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The Impact of Nuclear Weapons on Children

Content warning: This report includes graphic stories, illustrations and photographs of extreme violence committed against children; detailed descriptions of children’s injuries, suffering and deaths; references to mental illness, suicide and child neglect; and stories of harm inflicted on pregnant women resulting in miscarriages and stillbirths.

Contents


Foreword

Executive Summary

Part I  The Children of Hiroshima and Nagasaki

Part II  Children Harmed by Nuclear Testing

Every day, children are killed or injured in armed conflicts around the world. Thousands of children – including many babies – are now counted among the dead in the ongoing wars in Gaza and Ukraine: a blight on humanity.

In both cases, the main perpetrators of violence against children are states armed with nuclear weapons; and in any war involving one or more such states, there is an inherent risk of nuclear catastrophe.

As this report shows in compelling and often gut-wrenching detail, it is children who would suffer the most in the event of a nuclear attack against a city today.

The Impact of Nuclear Weapons on Children is a dire warning to the governments of all nuclear-armed states and to the global public that urgent action is needed to rid the world of nuclear weapons.

By sharing the stories of children killed or injured in the US atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945 and of children harmed by nuclear tests, we hope to honour them and ensure that no one else ever suffers as they have.

Hon. Melissa Parke, Executive Director, ICAN, August 2024

Executive Summary

Nuclear weapons are designed to destroy cities; to kill and maim whole populations, children among them.

In a nuclear attack, children are more likely than adults to die or suffer severe injuries, given their greater vulnerability to the effects of nuclear weapons: heat, blast and radiation. The fact that children depend on adults for their survival also places them at higher risk of death and hardship in the aftermath of a nuclear attack, with support systems destroyed.

Tens of thousands of children were killed when the United States detonated two relatively small nuclear weapons (by today’s standard) over the Japanese cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945.

Many were instantly reduced to ash and vapour. Others died in agony minutes, hours, days or weeks after the attacks from burn and blast injuries or acute radiation sickness. Countless more died years or even decades later from radiation-related cancers and other illnesses. Leukaemia – cancer of the blood – was especially prevalent among the young.

In Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the scenes of devastation were apocalyptic: Playgrounds scattered with the dead bodies of young girls and boys. Mothers cradling their lifeless babies. Children with their intestines hanging out of their bellies and strips of skin dangling from their limbs.

At some of the schools close to ground zero, the entire student population of several hundred perished in an instant. At others, there were but a few survivors. In Hiroshima, thousands of school students were working outside to create firebreaks on the morning of the attack. Approximately 6,300 of them were killed.

Those children who, by chance, escaped death carried with them severe physical and psychological scars throughout their lifetimes. What they witnessed and experienced on 6 August and 9 August 1945 and in the days that followed was permanently seared into their memories.

Thousands of children lost one or both parents, as well as siblings. Some “A-bomb orphans” were left to roam the streets, with orphanages exceeding capacity.

Many of the babies who were in their mothers’ wombs at the time of the atomic bombings were also harmed as a result of their exposure to ionising radiation. They had a greater risk of dying soon after birth or suffering from congenital abnormalities such as brain damage and microcephaly, as well as cancers and other illnesses later in life.

Pregnant women in Hiroshima and Nagasaki also experienced higher rates of spontaneous abortions and stillbirths.

In communities around the world exposed to fallout from nuclear testing, children have experienced similar harm from radiation.

Since 1945, nuclear-armed states have conducted more than two thousand nuclear test explosions at dozens of locations, dispersing radioactive material far and wide.

Among the general population, children and infants have been the most severely affected, due to their higher vulnerability to the effects of ionising radiation. Young children are three to five times more susceptible to cancer in the long term than adults from a given dose of radiation, and girls are particularly vulnerable.

In the Marshall Islands, where the United States conducted 67 nuclear tests, children played in the radioactive ash that fell from the sky, unaware of the danger. They called it “Bikini snow” – a reference to the atoll where many of the explosions took place. It burned their skin and eyes, and they quickly developed symptoms of acute radiation sickness.

For decades after the tests, women in the Marshall Islands gave birth to severely deformed babies at unusually high rates. Those born alive rarely survived more than a few days. Some had translucent skin and no discernible bones. They would refer to them as “jellyfish babies”, for they could scarcely be recognised as human beings.

Similar stories have been told by people living downwind or downstream of nuclear test sites in the United States, Kazakhstan, Ma’ohi Nui, Algeria, Kiribati, China, Australia and elsewhere.

We have a collective moral duty to honour the memories of the thousands of children killed in Hiroshima and Nagasaki, as well as those harmed by the development and testing of nuclear weapons globally. And we must pursue the goal of a nuclear-weapon-free world with determination and urgency, lest there be any more victims, young or old.

Under international humanitarian law and the Convention on the Rights of the Child, governments have a legal obligation to protect children against harm in armed conflict. To fulfil this obligation, it is imperative that they work together now to eliminate the scourge of nuclear weapons from the world.

In this report, we describe how nuclear weapons are uniquely harmful to children, based on the experiences of children in Hiroshima and Nagasaki and those living near nuclear test sites. We share their first-hand testimonies and depictions of the toll of nuclear weapons on their lives. And we explain how the ever-present fear of nuclear war – the possibility that entire cities might be destroyed at any given moment – causes psychological harm to children everywhere.

Finally, we make an urgent appeal to all governments to protect current and future generations of children by eliminating nuclear weapons, via the landmark UN Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, which entered into force in 2021.

Key findings


So long as nuclear weapons exist in the world, there is a very real risk that they will be used again, and that risk at present appears to be increasing.

In the event of their use, it is all but certain that many thousands of children – perhaps hundreds of thousands or more – would be counted among the dead and injured, and they would suffer in unique ways and out of proportion to the rest of the population.

In a nuclear attack, children would be more likely than adults:

  • To die from burn injuries, as their skin is thinner and more delicate and burns deeper, more quickly and at a lower temperature;
  • To die from blast injuries, given the relative frailty of their smaller bodies;
  • To die from acute radiation sickness, as they have more cells that are growing and dividing rapidly and are significantly more vulnerable to radiation effects;
  • To be unable to free themselves from collapsed and burning buildings or take other steps in the aftermath that would increase their chances of survival;
  • To suffer from leukaemia, solid cancers, strokes, heart attacks and other illnesses years later as a result of the delayed effects of radiation damage to their cells; and
  • To suffer privation in the aftermath of the attacks, as well as psychological trauma leading to mental disorders and suicide.

Furthermore, babies who were in their mothers’ wombs at the time of the attack would be at greater risk of:

  • Death soon after birth or in early childhood;
  • Microcephaly, accompanied by intellectual disability, given the higher vulnerability of the developing brain to radiation damage;
  • Other developmental abnormalities;
  • Growth impairment due to the reduced functioning of the thyroid; and
  • Cancers and other radiation-related illnesses during childhood or later in life.

These horrifying realities should have profound implications for policy-making in countries that currently possess nuclear weapons or those that support their retention as part of military alliances.

They should also prompt organisations dedicated to the protection of children and the promotion of their rights to work to address the grave global threat posed by nuclear weapons.

While children played no part in developing these doomsday devices, it is children who would suffer the most in the event of their future use – one of the myriad reasons why such weapons must be urgently eliminated………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. more https://www.icanw.org/children?utm_campaign=2024_children_launch_an&utm_medium=email&utm_source=ican

August 7, 2024 Posted by | health, Japan, weapons and war | 1 Comment

Israeli policy means ‘difficult to know’ how close world is to nuclear war, warns International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons (ICAN)

By Thomas Moller-Nielsen | Euractiv, 6 August 24, https://www.euractiv.com/section/global-europe/news/israeli-policy-means-difficult-to-know-how-close-world-is-to-nuclear-war-warns-anti-nuclear-weapons-group/

Israel’s policy of strategic ambiguity over its nuclear weapons arsenal makes it “difficult to know” how close the current crisis in the Middle East is to escalating into a nuclear war, a leading anti-nuclear weapons group has warned.

The International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons (ICAN)—a Geneva-based Nobel Peace Prize-winning group—said that Israel’s strategy of neither confirming nor denying its possession of nuclear weapons makes it hard to predict whether an imminent anticipated attack by Hezbollah or Iran could trigger a nuclear response.

“As the country refuses to confirm or deny it has such weapons, little is known about [Israel’s] arsenal, but experts believe it can launch nuclear weapons using missiles, submarines and aircraft,” Susi Snyder, ICAN’s Programme Coordinator, told Euractiv.

“Israel is also opaque about the circumstances under which it would use nuclear weapons so it is difficult to know how close we might be to the use of nuclear weapons,” she added.

Tensions have risen further in the Middle East following the assassination last week of Hezbollah commander Fuad Shukur in Beirut and Hamas political chief Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran. Both the Lebanese and Palestinian militant groups are backed by Iran.

Israel has confirmed that it killed Shukur but has neither confirmed nor denied its involvement in Haniyeh’s death. It blames Hezbollah for a rocket attack on a soccer field in the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights last month, in which 12 children were killed.

Hezbollah has continually exchanged rocket fire across Israel’s northern border with Lebanon since Hamas launched a surprise attack on Israel on 7 October that killed roughly 1,200 Israelis and triggered the current war in Gaza.

More than 40,000 Palestinians have been killed in Israel’s retaliatory offensive, according to Gaza’s health ministry.

EU continues to call for restraint

Asked about the potential of the current crisis to escalate further, a European Commission spokesperson directed Euractiv to a statement published on Sunday by G7 foreign ministers urging all relevant parties in the Middle East “to refrain from perpetuating the current destructive cycle of retaliatory violence, to lower tensions and engage constructively toward de-escalation”.

The spokesperson also confirmed that Enrique Mora, one of the EU’s top diplomats who was in Tehran at the time of Haniyeh’s assassination, had left the country.

Both Mora and Haniyeh had been in Tehran to attend the inauguration of Iran’s new president, Masoud Pezeshkian. Mora subsequently held talks with top Iranian officials and suggested on social media that EU-Iran relations had entered a “new chapter”.

Citing “three sources briefed on the call”, Axios reported that US Secretary of State Antony Blinken told his G7 counterparts over the weekend that an attack by Iran and Hezbollah against Israel could begin on Monday (5 August).

On Friday (2 August), the US sent additional fighter jets and warships to the region in an apparent bid to deter military action by Iran and Hezbollah, both of which have vowed retaliatory attacks on Israel.

US President Joe Biden was also reportedly set to meet with his national security team cabinet on Monday to discuss the crisis.

Israel, which has possessed nuclear weapons since the 1960s, has repeatedly said that it “will not be the first to introduce nuclear weapons into the Middle East”.

Together with India and Pakistan, it is one of three of the nine nuclear-armed countries that has never signed the Non-proliferation Treaty (NPT), which aims to prevent the global spread of nuclear weapons.

Arms Control Association, a US-based NGO, estimates that Israel currently has 90 plutonium-based nuclear warheads.

How to avoid ‘disaster’

Snyder also emphasised that “any use of nuclear weapons” in the current crisis “would be a disaster for the region and the world”.

“A single nuclear weapon would likely kill hundreds of thousands of civilians and injure many more; radioactive fallout could contaminate large areas, including in the country that used the weapon, particularly if used against a nearby target which would be the case in the Middle East,” she said.

Snyder also urged citizens to pressure their governments to sign up to the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW), a 2021 UN agreement more stringent than the NPT which expressly prohibits signatories from developing, possessing, or threatening to use nuclear weapons.

“Policymakers and the public in countries that have not yet joined the treaty should encourage their governments to join the TPNW without delay, as it is the only treaty which comprehensively outlaws nuclear weapons and provides for their elimination,” she said.

None of the world’s nine nuclear-armed countries have signed the TPNW. In addition to Israel, the US, Russia, China, the United Kingdom, France, North Korea, Pakistan and India all currently possess nuclear weapons.

August 7, 2024 Posted by | Israel, weapons and war | Leave a comment

Mutually assured destruction is an outdated nuclear deterrence doctrine

One of the most significant criticisms of MAD is its moral implications. The doctrine essentially holds entire populations hostage to the threat of annihilation. Critics argue that this strategy represents a form of global extortion, where the safety of millions is leveraged against the threat of total destruction. This ethical dilemma raises profound questions about the value we place on human life and the lengths to which we are willing to go in the name of national security.

As the world commemorates the Hiroshima bombing, it’s time to work toward mutual survival

Syed Munir Khasru, August 6, 2024 ,  https://asia.nikkei.com/Opinion/Mutually-assured-destruction-is-an-outdated-nuclear-deterrence-doctrine

Syed Munir Khasru is chairman of IPAG Asia Pacific, a Melbourne-based think tank. (www.syedmunirkhasru.org).

The Aug. 6 anniversary of the atomic bombing of Hiroshima is an annual occasion for somber reflection over the devastating impact of nuclear weapons and the strategies that evolved in the aftermath to prevent them from being used again.

The doctrine of mutually assured destruction (MAD), born in the crucible of the Cold War, has been a cornerstone of nuclear deterrence for decades. At a time of simmering global tensions and technological advancements, it is time to reflect on whether MAD has truly served the world well.

The MAD doctrine, formalized in the 1960s, posits that the threat of complete annihilation prevents nuclear-armed states from engaging in full-scale conflict. It is built on the principle of deterrence through the promise of overwhelming retaliation. In essence, MAD assumes that rational actors will refrain from initiating a nuclear attack, knowing that such an action would trigger a devastating counterattack, leading to the destruction of both parties.

This balance of terror, proponents argue, creates a paradoxical stability in which the very destructive power of nuclear weapons serves to prevent their use through the promise of overwhelming retaliation. This has been the dominant paradigm in international relations since the Cold War. It has shaped military strategies, diplomatic negotiations and the very fabric of the global security architecture.

Perhaps the most iconic example of MAD’s influence is the Cuban missile crisis of 1962. For 13 days, the world teetered on the brink of nuclear war as the U.S. and the Soviet Union engaged in a tense standoff over Soviet missiles in Cuba. According to historian Martin J. Sherwin, “The real possibility of mutual destruction … played a crucial role in the decision-making process of both Kennedy and Khrushchev.” The crisis ultimately ended with a negotiated settlement, demonstrating how the specter of mutual annihilation could drive the political leadership toward a diplomatic settlement.

On the other hand, a major concern with MAD is the potential for accidental nuclear war. False alarms, misinterpreted signals or technical malfunctions could potentially trigger a catastrophic response. The 1983 Soviet nuclear false alarm incident, where a Soviet lieutenant colonel correctly identified a system malfunction that had erroneously reported incoming U.S. missiles, underscores this risk.

Throughout the Cold War, the MAD doctrine underpinned arms control agreements like the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT) and the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty. These agreements, while not eliminating nuclear weapons, helped manage the arms race and reduce the risk of accidental war.

Even in the post-Cold War era, MAD’s influence persists. During the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine, despite Russia’s nuclear saber-rattling, the potential for mutual destruction deterred any nuclear escalation. While the risk of nuclear weapons use in the Ukraine conflict remains low, there is growing concern about the erosion of international nuclear arms control agreements. This deterioration of established safeguards could potentially increase global nuclear risks in the long term.

One of the most significant criticisms of MAD is its moral implications. The doctrine essentially holds entire populations hostage to the threat of annihilation. Critics argue that this strategy represents a form of global extortion, where the safety of millions is leveraged against the threat of total destruction. This ethical dilemma raises profound questions about the value we place on human life and the lengths to which we are willing to go in the name of national security.

This ethical quandary becomes even more pronounced when considering the potential for civilian casualties in a nuclear exchange. Experts in disaster response and humanitarian aid consistently warn that the immediate aftermath of a nuclear blast would overwhelm any existing emergency response capabilities. The scale and nature of destruction from such an event would render traditional humanitarian assistance efforts largely ineffective, leaving countless civilians without access to crucial medical care, food or shelter.

The world today is markedly different from the bipolar structure of the Cold War. The proliferation of nuclear weapons to countries like North Korea and the complex dynamics between nuclear powers like India and Pakistan present new challenges to the MAD doctrine.

Emerging technologies such as hypersonic missiles, cyberwarfare capabilities and artificial intelligence are reshaping the nuclear landscape. According to a comprehensive analysis by leading defense strategists, these advanced technologies have the potential to inadvertently escalate nuclear risks. By introducing new variables and uncertainties into strategic calculations, they may erode the stability that has traditionally underpinned nuclear deterrence frameworks like MAD.

As the only nation to have experienced the horrors of nuclear warfare firsthand, Japan occupies a unique position in the global dialogue on nuclear disarmament. This role was highlighted during last year’s Group of Seven summit in Hiroshima, where world leaders confronted the legacy of nuclear weapons.

Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, whose family hails from Hiroshima, has been a vocal advocate for nuclear disarmament. In his 2022 address to the U.N. General Assembly, Kishida stated, “We must never repeat the devastation of atomic bombings. Japan will continue to uphold the ‘three non-nuclear principles’ and lead the international community’s efforts toward the realization of a world without nuclear weapons.” Japan’s leadership, rooted in its unique historical experience, could be instrumental in forging a path beyond MAD.

While the MAD doctrine has arguably contributed to preventing nuclear conflict for nearly eight decades, its continued relevance in a fast-changing world merits reexamination. The moral implications, the risk of accidental war and the challenges posed by new geopolitical realities and technologies all suggest the need for new approaches to nuclear deterrence and disarmament.

The Hiroshima anniversary is not only a reflection on the past but also a look ahead to the future. The goal of a world free from the threat of nuclear annihilation remains as urgent and vital as ever. In the words of Hiroshima survivor Setsuko Thurlow, “Nuclear weapons are not a necessary evil; they are the ultimate evil.”

The time is ripe to move beyond the doctrine of mutual destruction and work toward mutual survival and shared prosperity.

August 7, 2024 Posted by | weapons and war | Leave a comment

Britain’s net zero dream could be crushed by big tech

As demand for data storage grows, so does the need for giant data centres – which pose a threat to our landscape and our energy supply

Jim Norton, 4 August 2024

Gigantic facilities represent the very real physical cost of our
unquenchable thirst for the internet and, increasingly, these facilities
pose a threat not only to our landscape but our energy supply too.

This year, big tech has started to sound the alarm that the boom in artificial
intelligence (AI) – which is even more power hungry than the normal web
– is putting the world in danger of missing its ambitious net zero
targets.

Tech leaders from Amazon CEO Andy Jassy and OpenAI boss Sam
Altman, to the billionaire owner of X (formerly Twitter) Elon Musk, have
warned this year about generative AI’s voracious use of power. Musk
warned it could lead to a global electricity shortage as early as next
year.

Some studies suggest the AI industry alone could consume as much
energy as a country the size of the Netherlands by 2027. AI’s thirst for
power has led to fears that the technology is jeopardising the ambitious
climate targets set by both governments and tech giants.

Renewable energy is not yet consistent nor plentiful enough to keep up with AI demand,
meaning officials and companies will likely have to fall back on fossil
fuels. This year, both Google and Microsoft admitted their ambitious
targets of reaching net zero by 2030 were under threat; revealing their
greenhouse emissions had risen by 48 per cent and a third, respectively,
over the past few years, largely due to the explosive growth of AI.

So what does this mean for the UK? The National Grid has predicted that AI will
drive a spike in energy use, with the amount of power demanded by data
centres expected to increase six-fold over the next decade. Given
Britain’s energy infrastructure is already struggling under the weight of
existing demand, and is in dire need of an upgrade, Labour’s aims of
decarbonising the power supply by 2030 will certainly be put under immense
pressure.

 Telegraph 4th Aug 2024

https://www.telegraph.co.uk/environment/2024/08/04/big-tech-ai-green-belt-destruction/

August 7, 2024 Posted by | ENERGY, UK | Leave a comment

79 Years After Hiroshima & Nagasaki: A Grim Reminder of Nuclear Annihilation

a group of elderly hibakusha, called Nihon Hidankyo, have dedicated their lives to achieving a non-proliferation treaty, which they hope will ultimately lead to a total ban on nuclear weapons.

By Thalif Deen, UNITED NATIONS, Aug 1 2024 (IPS)   https://www.ipsnews.net/2024/08/79-years-after-hiroshima-nagasaki-a-grim-reminder-of-nuclear-annihilation/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=79-years-after-hiroshima-nagasaki-a-grim-reminder-of-nuclear-annihilation– The upcoming 79th anniversary of the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, which took place on August 6 and 9, 1945, remains a grim reminder of the destructive consequences of nuclear weapons.

The US bombings killed an estimated 90,000 to 210,000, with roughly half of the deaths occurring on the first day in Hiroshima.

But despite an intense global campaign for nuclear disarmament, the world has witnessed an increase in the number of nuclear powers from five—the US, UK, France, China and Russia—to nine, including India, Pakistan, North Korea and Israel.

Is the continued worldwide anti-nuclear campaign an exercise in futility? And will the rising trend continue—with countries such as Iran, Egypt, Saudi Arabia and South Korea—as potential nuclear powers of the future?

South Africa is the only country that has voluntarily given up nuclear weapons after developing them. In the 1980s, South Africa produced six nuclear weapons, but dismantled them between 1989 and 1993. A number of factors may have influenced South Africa’s decision, including national security, international relations, and a desire to avoid becoming a pariah state.

But there is an equally valid argument that there have been no nuclear wars—only threats—largely because of the success of the world-wide anti-nuclear campaign, the role of the United Nations and the collective action by most of the 193 member states in adopting several anti-nuclear treaties.

According to the UN Office for Disarmament Affairs (UNODA), the United Nations has sought to eliminate weapons  of mass destruction (WMDs) ever since the establishment of the world body. The first resolution adopted by the UN General Assembly in 1946 established a commission to deal with problems related to the discovery of atomic energy, among others.

The commission was to make proposals for, inter alia, the control of atomic energy to the extent necessary to ensure its use only for peaceful purposes.

Several multilateral treaties have since been established with the aim of preventing nuclear proliferation and testing, while promoting progress in nuclear disarmament.

These include the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), the Treaty Banning Nuclear Weapon Tests in the Atmosphere, in Outer Space and Under Water, also known as the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT), which was signed in 1996 but has yet to enter into force, and the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW).

Jackie Cabasso, Executive Director, Western States Legal Foundation in Oakland, California, which monitors and analyzes US nuclear weapons programs and policies, told IPS: “As we approach the 79th anniversary of the U.S. atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the world is facing a greater danger of nuclear war than at any time since 1945.”

The terrifying doctrine of “nuclear deterrence,” which should long ago have been delegitimized and relegated to the dustbin of history and replaced with multilateral, non-militarized common security, has metastasized into a pathological ideology brandished by nuclear-armed states and their allies to justify the perpetual possession and threatened use—including first use—of nuclear weapons,” she pointed out.

“It is more important than ever that we heed the warnings of the aging hibakusha (A-bomb survivors): What happened to us must never be allowed to happen to anyone again; nuclear weapons and human beings cannot co-exist; no more Hiroshimas, no more Nagasakis!”

This demands an irreversible process of nuclear disarmament. But to the contrary, all nuclear armed states are qualitatively and, in some cases, quantitatively upgrading their nuclear arsenals and a new multipolar arms race is underway, she noted.

“To achieve the elimination of nuclear weapons and a global society that is more fair, peaceful, and ecologically sustainable, we will need to move from the irrational fear-based ideology of deterrence to the rational fear of an eventual nuclear weapon use, whether by accident, miscalculation, or design.”

“We will also need to stimulate a rational hope that security can be redefined in humanitarian and ecologically sustainable terms that will lead to the elimination of nuclear weapons and dramatic demilitarization, freeing up tremendous resources desperately needed to address universal human needs and protect the environment.”

In this time of multiple global crises, “our work for the elimination of nuclear weapons must take place in a much broader framework, taking into account the interface between nuclear and conventional weapons and militarism in general, the humanitarian and long-term environmental consequences of nuclear war, and the fundamental incompatibility of nuclear weapons with democracy, the rule of law, and human wellbeing,” declared Cabasso.

Dr. M.V. Ramana, Professor and Simons Chair in Disarmament, Global and Human Security School of Public Policy and Global Affairs and Graduate Program Director, MPPGA at the University of British Columbia, Vancouver, told IPS, “The glass is half-full or half-empty depending on how one looks at it.”

“The fact that we have avoided nuclear war since 1945 is also partly due to the persistence of the anti-nuclear movement. Historians like Lawrence Wittner have pointed to the many instances when governments have chosen nuclear restraint instead of unrestrained expansion.”

While South Africa is the only country that dismantled its entire nuclear weapons program, many countries—Sweden, for example—have chosen not to develop nuclear weapons even though they had the technical capacity to do so. They did so in part because of strong public opposition to nuclear weapons, which in turn is due to social movements supporting nuclear disarmament, he pointed out.

Thus, organizing for nuclear disarmament is not futile. Especially as we move into another era of conflicts between major powers, such movements will be critical to our survival, declared Ramana.

According to the UN, a group of elderly hibakusha, called Nihon Hidankyo, have dedicated their lives to achieving a non-proliferation treaty, which they hope will ultimately lead to a total ban on nuclear weapons.

“On an overcrowded train on the Hakushima line, I fainted for a while, holding in my arms my eldest daughter of one year and six months. I regained my senses at her cries and found no one else was on the train,” a 34-year-old woman testifies in the booklet. She was located just two kilometres from the Hiroshima epicenter.

Fleeing to her relatives in Hesaka, at age 24, another woman remembers that “people, with the skin dangling down, were stumbling along. They fell down with a thud and died one after another,” adding, “still now I often have nightmares about this, and people say, ‘it’s neurosis’.”

One man who entered Hiroshima after the bomb recalled in the exhibition “that dreadful scene—I cannot forget even after many decades.”

A woman who was 25 years old at the time said, “When I went outside, it was dark as night. Then it got brighter and brighter, and I could see burnt people crying and running about in utter confusion. It was hell…I found my neighbor trapped under a fallen concrete wall… Only half of his face was showing. He was burned alive”.

The steadfast conviction of the Hidankyo remains: “Nuclear weapons are absolute evil that cannot coexist with humans. There is no choice but to abolish them.”

Addressing the UN Security Council last March, Secretary-General Antonio Guterres warned that with geopolitical tensions escalating the risk of nuclear warfare to its highest point in decades, reducing and abolishing nuclear weapons is the only viable path to saving humanity.

“There is one path—and one path only—that will vanquish this senseless and suicidal shadow once and for all.  We need disarmament now,” he said, urging nuclear-weapon States to re-engage to prevent any use of a nuclear weapon, re-affirm moratoria on nuclear testing and “urgently agree that none of them will be the first to use nuclear weapons.”

He called for reductions in the number of nuclear weapons led by the holders of the largest arsenals—the United States and the Russian Federation—to “find a way back to the negotiating table” to fully implement the New Measures for the Further Reduction and Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms, or START Treaty, and agree on its successor.

“When each country pursues its own security without regard for others, we create global insecurity that threatens us all,” he observed.  Almost eight decades after the incineration of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, nuclear weapons still represent a clear danger to global peace and security, growing in power, range and stealth.”

“States possessing them are absent from the negotiating table, and some statements have raised the prospect of unleashing nuclear hell—threats that we must all denounce with clarity and force,” he said.  Moreover, emerging technologies such as artificial intelligence and cyber and outer space domains have created new risks.”

From Pope Francis, who calls the possession of nuclear arms “immoral”, to the hibakusha, the brave survivors of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, to Hollywood, where Oppenheimer brought the harsh reality of nuclear doomsday to vivid life for millions around the world, people are calling for an end to the nuclear madness.  “Humanity cannot survive a sequel to Oppenheimer,” he warned.

When Nagasaki marked the 78th anniversary of the U.S. atomic bombing of the city last year, the mayor Shiro Suzuki, urged world powers to abolish nuclear weapons, saying nuclear deterrence also increases risks of nuclear war, according to an Associated Press (AP) report.

He called on the Group of Seven (G7) industrial powers to adopt a separate document on nuclear disarmament that called for using nuclear weapons as deterrence.

“Now is the time to show courage and make the decision to break free from dependence on nuclear deterrence,” Suzuki said in his peace declaration. “As long as states are dependent on nuclear deterrence, we cannot realize a world without nuclear weapons.”

Russia’s nuclear threat has encouraged other nuclear states to accelerate their dependence on nuclear weapons or enhance capabilities, further increasing the risk of nuclear war, and that Russia is not the only one representing the risk of nuclear deterrence, Suzuki said.

Suzuki, whose parents were hibakusha, or survivors of the Nagasaki attack, said knowing the reality of the atomic bombings is the starting point for achieving a world without nuclear weapons. He said the survivors’ testimonies are a true deterrent against nuclear weapons use, the AP report said.

This article is brought to you by IPS Noram, in collaboration with INPS Japan and Soka Gakkai International, in consultative status with UN ECOSOC.

August 7, 2024 Posted by | weapons and war | Leave a comment

The Children of Hiroshima and Nagasaki

How many children were killed?


It is estimated that more than 38,000 children were killed in the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki.

According to surveys by the city of Hiroshima, 73,622 children under 10 years of age were exposed to the bombing, of whom 7,907 had died by the end of 1945. Among older children and adolescents, the death toll was thought to be 15,543.

In Nagasaki, authorities estimated that 49,684 children under 10 were exposed to the bombing, of whom 6,349 had died by the end of 1945, with 8,724 older children and adolescents also counted among the dead.

These official estimates, however, do not include the many children who died years after the attacks from cancers and other radiation-related illnesses.

Hiroshima:

Prior to the atomic bombing of Hiroshima, around 23,500 babies and children were evacuated from the city due to fears of possible US air raids. Many went to live with relatives in the countryside, which was deemed safer.

But tens of thousands of children remained in the city on the morning of 6 August 1945, including 26,800 students mobilised to perform various tasks, such as creating firebreaks in the city’s centre – a measure aimed at limiting destruction in the event of an air raid.

Of the 8,400 students performing this particular task, around 6,300 were killed. Most were 12 to 14 years old, in junior high school. Hundreds of students who had been mobilised to perform other tasks across the city were also killed. The total death toll for mobilised students was around 7,200.

In the aftermath of the attack, school officials in Hiroshima made earnest efforts to determine which of their students had died and which had survived. The schools closest to the bomb’s hypocentre (ground zero) generally had the highest death tolls.

In 1951, the US government published a multi-volume report on the medical effects of atomic bombs, which included detailed casualty figures for schoolchildren in Hiroshima as of the end of October 1945.

The report grouped the students according to their distance from the hypocentre. For the first group – those less than one kilometre away – 2,579 of the 3,440 students, or roughly three in four, were confirmed dead. A few hundred more were missing but presumed dead.

“In the centre of [Hiroshima] were some 8,400 students from grades seven and eight who had been mobilised from all the high schools in the city to help clear fire lanes … nearly all of them were incinerated and were vaporised without a trace, and more died within days. In this way, my age group in the city was almost wiped out.”

– Setsuko Thurlow, atomic bomb survivor and disarmament advocate

Many of the students close to the hypocentre were outside at the time of the attack, completely unshielded from the bomb’s effects. They stood little chance of survival.

Of the “unshielded” schoolchildren within one kilometre of the hypocentre, 94 per cent were killed, according to the casualty figures published by the US government. For those between one and two kilometres, around 85 per cent were killed. Relatively few students were indoors at the time of the attack.

At some schools close to the hypocentre, there were no known survivors. For example, of the 174 students attending the First Prefectural Girls’ School on the morning of the attack, all 174 were killed.

Around 400 students from the Honkawa Elementary School, a three-storey concrete building just 410 metres from the hypocentre, were killed. One student, 11-year-old Imori Kiyoko, miraculously survived.

At the First Hiroshima Prefectural Junior High School, hundreds of severely burnt students dived into the school’s swimming pool to escape the unbearable heat of the fires engulfing the city and to ease their pain. They died in the water.

While detailed records were made of children attending school on the day of the bombing or those mobilised to perform various tasks across Hiroshima, less is known about the fate of the city’s many children who had not yet attained school age, including babies.

In total, around 340,000 to 350,000 people were in Hiroshima at the time of the bombing, of whom an estimated 140,000 were killed instantly or had died from their injuries by the end of 1945. In addition, thousands succumbed to radiation-related illnesses years later, adding to the complexity of calculating the overall death toll.

Suffice it to say, the number of children killed in Hiroshima – with a single atomic bomb that US officials code-named “Little Boy” – was staggering.

Nagasaki:

For Nagasaki, the population on the day of the atomic bombing (9 August 1945) was around 240,000 people, of whom an estimated 74,000 were killed instantly or had died from their injuries by the end of 1945.

Prior to the attack, approximately 17,000 children and elderly persons had been evacuated from the city. It is thought that a large proportion of these evacuees were children, but there is no official record. Despite the evacuations, tens of thousands of children were still in Nagasaki on the day of the bombing.

The bomb devastated the Urakami district, where Nagasaki’s main residential communities and schools were concentrated.

“A mother cradled her headless infant and wailed … Tiny, barefoot children squatted in the ruins or wandered past corpses, calling out for their mothers and fathers. One woman whose husband had died, and who would soon lose her four daughters and four-year-old son, came to understand that when one of her children stopped asking for water, it meant that she or he had died.”

– Susan Southard, author of Nagasaki: Life After Nuclear War

From the Shiroyama Elementary School, close to the bomb’s hypocentre, over 1,400 students were killed in the attack; from Yamazato Elementary School, 1,300 students perished. Several other schools near ground zero also suffered high death tolls. In total, an estimated 5,500 students and teachers were killed.

As in Hiroshima, thousands of Nagasaki’s students had been mobilised to perform various tasks across the city, but a smaller proportion of them were outdoors at the time of the bombing. Still, many were killed, including 580 at one of the Mitsubishi factories close to the hypocentre.

Workers there expressed great distress that “many persons who were recognised as only very slightly injured at first gradually deteriorated in health and died” from acute radiation illness, and the “victims include many teenage students”.

Even among the mobilised students who were beyond the main zone of destruction – more than 1.5 kilometres from the hypocentre – approximately 680 were killed.

Several years after the attack, when US researchers began studying the impact of the Nagasaki bombing on children, they were able to identify just 134 surviving children who had been within one kilometre of the hypocentre. So many others had perished.

Dead bodies scattered over a playground

Fujio Tsujimoto, five years old, was at a school playground with his grandmother when they heard an aeroplane in the distance over Nagasaki.

I grabbed my grandmother by the hand and ran towards the shelter. “Enemy plane!” yelled the watchman on the roof of the school building as he struck the bell. “Look out!” People on the playground came running straight for the shelter. I was the first to plunge into the deepest part of the shelter. But at that moment – flash! – I was blown against the wall by the force of the explosion.

After a while, I peered out of the shelter. I found people scattered all over the playground. The ground was covered almost entirely with bodies. Most of them looked dead and lay still. Here and there, however, some were thrashing their legs or raising their arms. Those who were able to move came crawling into the shelter. Soon the shelter was crowded with the wounded. Around the school, all the town was on fire.

My brother and sisters were late coming into the shelter, so they were burnt and crying. Half an hour later my mother appeared at last. She was covered with blood. I will never forget how happy I was as I clung to my mother. We waited and waited for Father, but he never appeared.

Even those who had survived died in agony one after another. My younger sister died the next day. My mother, she also died the next day. And then my older brother. I thought I would die, too, because the people around me, lying beside each other in the shelter, were dying one by one. Yet, because my grandmother and I had been in the deepest part of the shelter, we apparently had not been exposed to [as much] radiation and in the end we were saved.

Among the victims of the nuclear attacks were people from outside Japan, including many who were brought to Japan from its colonised areas. This included as many as 70,000 Koreans – many of whom were forced labourers – and people from China and Taiwan. Some were children.

Lee Su-yong, from Korea, survived the attack on Hiroshima as a 15-year-old girl but sustained a permanent foot injury and developed uterine cancer and other illnesses later in life due to her exposure to radiation.

“Everything I could see was destroyed,” she said, describing the immediate aftermath. “Children were crying for their mothers. Charred bodies were strewn all over the city. Many people lost their arms or legs … It was horrendous.”………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… more https://www.icanw.org/children?utm_campaign=2024_children_launch_an&utm_medium=email&utm_source=ican#childrenkilled

August 7, 2024 Posted by | history, Reference, weapons and war | Leave a comment

Hiroshima marks 79 years since atomic bombing, as nuclear war fears rise

Japan Times, By Kathleen Benoza, STAFF WRITER, 6 Aug 24

Raging conflicts across the globe are “reinforcing the public assumption” that military force — and nuclear deterrence — are needed to solve global issues, a view Hiroshima Mayor Kazumi Matsui rejected Tuesday in a speech at a ceremony marking 79 years since Hiroshima was devastated by an atomic bomb.

Citing former Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev and U.S. President Ronald Reagan’s push to end the Cold War, Matsui stressed the need to “not be resigned to pessimism” amid conflicts such as Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and the Israel-Hamas war, adding that the world must take collective action and show that dialogue can overcome conflict.


“Our unity will move leaders now relying on nuclear deterrence to shift their policies,” he said. “We can make that happen.”

Speaking after Matsui, Prime Minister Fumio Kishida emphasized in his own speech that the suffering that transpired in Hiroshima and Nagasaki “must never be repeated.”

“It is our country’s mission as the only nation to have suffered atomic bombings in war to steadily continue our efforts toward realizing a world without nuclear weapons,” he said…………………………………….

Noting that the number of nuclear weapons could soon increase for the first time since the peak of the Cold War, Kishida stressed the urgency of this effort.

To prevent this, he pledged to continue to promote the passage of the long-stalled Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty, which prohibits the production of fissile material for nuclear weapons, noting that Japan had established a framework for the FMCT that included both nuclear-armed and non-nuclear-armed states.

“I myself will take the lead and actively participate,” he said.

During the final days of World War II, the United States dropped atomic bombs on Hiroshima on Aug. 6, 1945 and again three days later on Nagasaki. The blasts killed hundreds of thousands and left many survivors — known as hibakusha — with lasting injuries and illnesses from radiation exposure.

This year’s ceremony saw the second-largest number of countries participating, with 109 nations involved, according to organizers. Roughly 50,000 people attended the event.

Nine countries currently maintain nuclear arsenals — the United States, Russia, China, France, the United Kingdom, North Korea, Pakistan, India and Israel, according to the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons………………………………………………………………………………………………………….

Japan, despite being the sole country to be attacked with nuclear bombs, has faced criticism from some corners over its effort to rid the world of the weapons.

Critics note that Tokyo has not participated in more ambitious initiatives, including the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. Since 2018, Japan has consistently voted against an annual United Nations General Assembly resolution that supports adoption of the treaty — which would prohibit the development, testing, production, stockpiling, stationing, transfer, use and threat of use of nuclear weapons — due to its reliance on the U.S. nuclear deterrent. https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2024/08/06/japan/hiroshima-bombing-79-anniversary/

August 7, 2024 Posted by | history, weapons and war | Leave a comment

What do Americans really think about the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki?

Bulletin, By Scott D. SaganGina Sinclair | August 5, 2024

In mid-August 1945, within weeks of the end of World War II, Americans were polled on whether they approved of the atomic bomb attacks on Hiroshima and Nagasaki.  An overwhelmingly high percentage of Americans—85 percent—answered “yes.” That level of approval has gone down over the years, with (depending on the precise wording of the question) only a slim majority (57 percent in 2005) or a large minority (46 percent in 2015) voicing approval in more recent polls.

This reduction in atomic bombing approval over time has been cited as evidence of a gradual normative change in public ethical consciousness, the acceptance of a “nuclear taboo” or what Brown University scholar Nina Tannenwald has called “the general delegitimation of nuclear weapons.” 

This common interpretation of US public opinion, however, is too simplistic. Disapproval has indeed grown over time, but most Americans remain supportive of the 1945 attacks, albeit wishing that alternative strategies had been explored. These conclusions can be clearly seen in the results of a new, more complex public opinion survey, conducted for this article, that asked a representative sample of Americans about their views on the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, examined alternative strategies for ending the war, and provided follow-on questions to determine how the public weighs the costs and benefits of different strategies. 

Scratch beneath the surface, and the American public today, as in 1945, does not display an ethically based taboo against using nuclear weapons or killing enemy civilians, but rather has a preference for doing whatever was necessary to win the war and save American lives…………………………………………………………………………………………….

US public opinion in 2015 and 2024. A 2015 replication of the 1945 Roper poll found that 14.4 percent of Americans felt the United States should not have used atomic bombs at all, that 31.6 percent thought a bomb should have been dropped in a demonstration strike on an unpopulated area, but that almost no one (less than 3 percent) wanted to use more bombs before Japan had a chance to surrender.

For this article, we replicated the 1945 Roper poll again with a representative sample of 2,000 Americans on June 21, 2024, but then asked follow-on questions to help us determine what the public really meant when answering the survey. Such follow-on questions are necessary to understand the public’s deeper set of commitments and preferences. Did those opposing any use of the atomic bombs really support such a policy even if it meant ending the war without a Japanese government surrender? Or would they support dropping the bomb if Japan did not surrender? Would those who favor a demonstration strike today support bombing cities if the demonstration strike failed to compel Tokyo to surrender, or did they oppose atomic attacks against Hiroshima and Nagasaki under all circumstances? In short, what do Americans really think, now, about using nuclear weapons in 1945?

Options and alternatives. The percentage of respondents who said that the United States shouldn’t have used any atomic bombs at all increased from 4.3 percent in 1945, to 14.4 percent in 2015, to 36.7 percent in 2024. The percentage of respondents who preferred the demonstration strike option decreased from 31.6 percent to 20.9 percent. Public support for use of the two bombs, as the United States did in 1945, followed the same general trend, decreasing to 19.4 percent.  But what do these trends reveal about US opinion? Our follow-on questions were designed to measure the public’s true willingness to use nuclear weapons and kill enemy civilians…………………………………………………

In short, when reminded of the Japanese refusal to surrender, the strong majority (82.33 percent) of those who originally favored the demonstration strike then accepted nuclear or conventional attacks on Japanese cities.

Why these preferences? The basic finding that over 36 percent of Americans said today that the United States should not have used any atomic bombs cannot reasonably be interpreted as an indication of a widespread nuclear taboo. It may be a positive trend, but it is not a robust opinion. Indeed, less than half of those respondents maintained that position after they were reminded (as was the case in 1945) that Japan had not accepted unconditional surrender prior to the atomic bomb attacks.

Instead, our 2024 Roper Poll replication provides three valuable insights about American public opinion. First, much of US public is, in fact, still supportive of the decision to drop atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Adding the answers from the different follow-on questions, reveals that 41.3 percent of all respondents were ultimately willing to use a nuclear bomb on one or more cities, and many more Americans (over 25% of all respondents) reported that they didn’t know what their preferences were in this wartime scenario. These findings are inconsistent with the existence of a nuclear taboo and underscore that large hawkish instincts lurk within the U.S. public.

A second novel finding relates to the public’s willingness to attack cities and thereby violate the basic law of armed conflict and the just war principle of non-combatant immunity. While only 41.3 percent of respondents were ultimately willing to use nuclear weapons against cities, many other respondents favored continuing the conventional bombing of Japan. Reasons given by respondents who had at first stated that they opposed nuclear attacks, but then favored continued conventional bombing once reminded that Japan had not accepted unconditional surrender included: “Because if humane tactics don’t work, then you gotta do what you Gotta do;” “Since they refuse to heed to the warning, then they deserve war;” and “If Japan doesn’t surrender than it’s time to show them what we can do.”

Altogether, adding advocates of conventional bombing with advocates of nuclear attacks, 51.25 percent of all respondents chose to attack Japanese cities and kills civilians on a massive scale. This shows that the non-combatant immunity principle, contrary to the claims of some experts, does not have strong “stopping power” at least among the public. These findings challenge the theories of scholars such as Charli CarpenterAlexander MontgomerySteven PinkerNeta Crawford, and Ward Thomas, who posit that a decrease in willingness to use nuclear weapons is a result of broader acceptance of the just war principle of non-combatant immunity.

………………………………………………….. many responses in the 2024 Roper Poll revealed something else: a notable percentage of respondents (15.92 percent) cited their beliefs on the importance of US isolationism and avoiding any engagement in foreign affairs.

……………………………………………These findings about contemporary views of the 1945 atomic bombing are consistent with previous research demonstrating that large segments of the American public are willing to contemplate the use of nuclear weapons in a war against Iran, in order to avoid US military fatalities, or against a terrorist organization planning chemical weapons attacks on the United States. …………………………………

The American public does not hold a strong nuclear taboo and indeed, may be more of a goad than a constraint on any future president who is contemplating the use of nuclear weapons in trying wartime conditions. While the laws of armed conflict and just war doctrine may still be a constraint on nuclear use, their powers are more likely to exercised by the moral compass of individual political leaders or the legal training of senior military officers, not through the deeply problematic instincts of the American public. https://thebulletin.org/2024/08/what-do-americans-really-think-about-the-bombing-of-hiroshima-and-nagasaki/?utm_source=Newsletter&utm_medium=Email&utm_campaign=DayNewsletter08052024&utm_content=NuclearRisk_WhatAmericansReallyThink_08052024

August 7, 2024 Posted by | public opinion, USA | Leave a comment

Shin Bet said to prepare bunker for Netanyahu, senior leadership amid Iranian threat

Known as the National Management Center, Jerusalem bunker can reportedly withstand hits from a range of existing weaponry, keep communications open to IDF headquarters

Times of Israel, By ToI Staff, 4 August 2024, 

release hostages in the Gaza Strip, June 8, 2024. (Shin Bet security service)

An underground bunker in Jerusalem where senior leaders can remain for an extended period during a war has been prepared by the Shin Bet security service and is fully operational, the Walla news site reported on Sunday, amid fear of attacks on Israel from Hezbollah and Iran.

The bunker, reportedly built almost 20 years ago, can sustain hits from a range of existing weaponry, has command and control capabilities, and is connected to the Defense Ministry headquarters in Tel Aviv, the report said.

The bunker, which is also known as the National Management Center, has not been used in the past 10 months of Israel’s war in Gaza.

release hostages in the Gaza Strip, June 8, 2024. (Shin Bet security service)

An underground bunker in Jerusalem where senior leaders can remain for an extended period during a war has been prepared by the Shin Bet security service and is fully operational, the Walla news site reported on Sunday, amid fear of attacks on Israel from Hezbollah and Iran.

The bunker, reportedly built almost 20 years ago, can sustain hits from a range of existing weaponry, has command and control capabilities, and is connected to the Defense Ministry headquarters in Tel Aviv, the report said.

The bunker, which is also known as the National Management Center, has not been used in the past 10 months of Israel’s war in Gaza.

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It has, however, been prepared for use now by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and other senior figures as Israel braces for possible attacks from Iran and Hezbollah amid escalating tensions in the Middle East.

Iran, its Lebanese ally Hezbollah, and the Palestinian Islamist terror group Hamas blame Israel for a blast that killed Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran last week. His assassination came just hours after a strike claimed by Israel killed Hezbollah’s military chief, Fuad Shukr, on Tuesday evening near Beirut. Israel has claimed responsibility for killing Shukr but has not officially commented on Haniyeh……………………………………………………………

The last time the bunker is known to have been used was in 2018 when Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu ordered a series of high-level security cabinet meetings to be held there, likely to prevent leaks to the media……………………………….. https://www.timesofisrael.com/shin-bet-said-to-prepare-underground-bunker-for-senior-leadership-amid-iranian-threat/

August 7, 2024 Posted by | Israel, weapons and war | Leave a comment