Perilous Surrender: The Pentagon Falls for Artificial Intelligence

6 October 2026Dr Binoy Kampmark, https://theaimn.net/perilous-surrender-the-pentagon-falls-for-artificial-intelligence/
The trend was already tracing itself through the corridors of power, but the world’s most powerful defence department has fallen, most heavily, for the use of artificial intelligence at virtually every level of its operations. Even before the Pentagon’s intoxicating pursuit of artificial intelligence was announced, the Defence Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) was already running simulated aerial trials of combat engagements between AI agents and seasoned pilots.
In December 2025, the US Department of Defense (DOD) revealed plans for a rapid and extensive release of the generative AI GenAI.mil platform, one utilising advanced models intended for use for over 3 million military personnel, civilian employees and contractors. Google Cloud’s Gemini or Government products was the first off the rank in a described “one-stop shop,” a generous effort on the part of bureaucracy to hail the machine and herald the start of full-throated cognitive surrender.
In his December email to employees in a department the Trump administration prefers to call the War Department, Secretary of Defense (War) Pete Hegseth announced that the GenAI.mil platform signalled “a giant step toward mass AI adoption across the department. This tool marks the beginning of a new era, where every member of our workforce can be more efficient and impactful.”
In his January memorandum to the various leaders of the military community, Hegseth barked about the need for the US military to “build on its lead over our adversaries in integrating this technology, established during President Trump’s first term, to make our Warfighters more lethal and efficient.” To do so would involve the Pentagon’s acceleration of US “Military Ai dominance by becoming an ‘AI-first’ warfighting force across all components, from front to back.” (Why not sideways, above and below?)

Trouble, however, arose when Anthropic placed restrictions on the use of Claude and its products for conducting mass surveillance of US citizens or use in lethal autonomous systems. The Pentagon, in turn, demanded the use of any genAI products it purchased for any designated “lawful purposes.” For its stubbornness, Anthropic was designated a “supply-chain risk” by the department, its products removed from all national security assets and systems. (The company’s efforts to have the ban overturned has had mixed results.)
Notwithstanding this hiccup – a minor one in the scheme of things – the contracts between AI companies and the Pentagon make it clear that the former are meant to provide “risk forecasting, and threat ideation exercises”. “Frontier AI companies can help DoD gain a better understanding of the risks that might be associated with subsequent near-frontier AI models or features, to avoid strategic surprise and to mitigate associated risks.”
The Pentagon has since added other commercial generative AI products to the GenAI.mil portal, including Starshield AI’s Grok and OpenAI’s ChatGPT Mil. In August, a source self-described as a “War Department official” told DefenseScoop that such access to “the resilient American technology stack will give warfighters the tools they need to act with confidence and safeguard the nation against any threat.”
ChatGPT Mil also serves to organise salient files and conversations that take place over projects lasting months in one place, including an “Offline Search capability” that supplies detailed citations. The facility can be refreshed over time to reflect new information. Joe Larson, former senior Pentagon official turned OpenAI vice president, very much an exponent of the defence-civilian revolving door, explained this integration as “grounded in our national security principles, pairing access to powerful tools with clear safeguards, meaningful human judgment, and accountability for high-stakes decisions.”
Grok for Government will also, according to the department, furnish personnel through GenAI.mil with “advanced capabilities, including deep-thinking inference, adaptive reasoning modes (Auto, Fast, and Expert), customizable workspaces, persistent projects and reusable ‘playbooks’ that capture and scale institutional knowledge.”
These systems presage a broader surrender of the US military establishment to the machine, its alluring fetishes, and its acclaimed shamanistic potential. The guidance on “Accelerated Mission Software” signed by Pentagon CIO Kirsten Davies on August 31 is yet another indication of this numbing trend. It notes the recognition on the part of the department “that AI-assisted software development is a significant force multiplier, for the delivery of speed quality.” Something to be said about the guidance is its acknowledgment that human agency “remains fully accountable for the security, functionality, and integrity of any code generated or modified using AI.” Any code with an AI-provenance “will be considered unverified input, and its use does not absolve the developer or the government of responsibility for the resulting work product.”
Such a cautionary note may well be temporary. In his September 30 Quantico speech, Hegseth announced the creation of the Autonomous Warfare Command “designed to scale autonomous warfare across the Joint Force as a 4-star functional combatant command by October 1, 2027.” In his memorandum on the subject, the Secretary is filled with effusive babble on the new command, which “will define joint needs and integrate Service-provided forces in support of geographic combatant commanders. It will test equipment and force designs with realistic opposition in demanding exercises and rugged environments, modify rapidly, and field what works.” Just the sorts of things to make humans feel safe.
The consequences of such AI integration and excessive reliance are proving and will prove critical. The disclosures by OpenAI and Anthropic that semi-autonomous large language models conducted coordinated attacks on networks owned by other companies and, in the case of Australia, various government bodies and affiliates, including the Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (AIHW), should engender teeth-chattering doubt among sceptics. While US President Donald Trump insists with consistent daftness that AI firms self-regulate the field, an independent assessment of the risks rather than a self-reporting format, has, at the very least, the merits of greater accountability. Heidy Khlaaf, a former safety engineer at OpenAI and currently chief scientist at the AI Now Institute, is of the view that trusting companies to consider the risks produced by their own products is not just a conflict of interest but a “subversion of democratic processes when AI labs are allowed to take over the arbitration of risk determinations with life-or-death consequences.” Then again, companies were never much for democracy.
AI doesn’t need ‘superintelligence’ or evil intent to start a nuclear war

By Paul Slovic, Herbert Lin | Analysis | October 2, 2026, https://thebulletin.org/2026/10/ai-doesnt-need-superintelligence-or-evil-intent-to-start-a-nuclear-war/?utm_source=ActiveCampaign&utm_medium=email&utm_content=AI%20doesn%20t%20need%20%20superintelligence%20%20to%20start%20a%20nuclear%20war&utm_campaign=20261001%20Thursday%20Newsletter%20%28Copy%29
When AI researcher Jacob Coxon announced his resignation from Anthropic this month, he warned that people at companies racing toward self-improving superintelligence “earnestly believe that it could kill us all by the end of the decade.” Such warnings raise fears that AI could escape human control and start a nuclear war without human authorization.
Although superintelligence is not precisely defined, AI developers agree it is not yet here. But today’s AI systems can cause nuclear war even if people nominally remain in charge. AI need not launch a weapon, recommend a strike, or intend harm. Ordinary human fallibility—amplified by machines—may be enough to lead to catastrophe.
AI can shape the information reaching leaders, whose minds are already struggling to comprehend the consequences of nuclear war. AI can exploit known vulnerabilities of human judgment compounded by false, misleading, or out-of-context machine outputs and amplified by the speed, scale, and volume of AI-generated information. Even accurate information can be interpreted improperly or unwisely when presented without proper context; errors and ambiguities introduced by AI can make matters worse.
Neither extraordinary machine intelligence nor malicious intent is required for catastrophe to result. To avoid nuclear war, institutional guardrails must be put in place that protect leaders from their worst impulses, even when AI pressures them to act.
Moral relativism. One major vulnerability, psychic numbing, results from relying on emotions to recognize and respond to risk. Human feelings fail to keep pace with the number of people suffering. Sometimes concern even diminishes as the numbers grow. Humans can recognize a million deaths dispassionately as a number—without comprehending the reality of the lost lives that this number represents. The saying, “the death of one man is a tragedy, while the death of millions is a statistic,” illustrates the fundamental problem of psychic numbing.
Human attention is severely limited as well. Saving troops, stopping an attack, or ending a war can become overwhelmingly prominent in the thinking of decision makers. These are legitimate goals, but they are not the only important ones—averting global catastrophe is arguably far more important. While immediate benefits are readily imagined and carry an emotional punch, the longer-term consequences of nuclear war—climatic changes, ruined agriculture, mass population displacement and starvation, and the total collapse of healthcare and other services around the world—often feel too vague and emotionally remote to adequately grasp. These long-term threats could easily be eclipsed by more immediate considerations during a crisis.
In a recent survey experiment involving nearly 3,000 American adults, researchers described a hypothetical, winnable ground war with Iran, in which a nuclear strike on a major city offered a quicker end and no further American troop deaths.
The experiment tested two separate scenarios of nuclear use to end the war: a strike that would kill 100,000 Iranian civilians, or one expected to kill 2 million civilians. Participants saw only one of these two nuclear options. Survey respondents’ support for the nuclear option over the continuing ground war was nearly identical—31.6 percent for the 100,000-kill option versus 27.6 percent for the 2-million-kill option—despite a 20-fold difference in the number of deaths. This is psychic numbing on display: Beyond a certain scale, greater death tolls stop registering as larger.
Later in the same study, participants were asked to revisit their decision with both nuclear options placed side-by-side. Support for the 2-million-death option collapsed to 5.1 percent, showing that direct comparison can reduce numbing. But numbing didn’t disappear—it shifted. Support for some nuclear option—mostly the 100,000-fatality strike—rose to 40 percent. The 2-million fatality option made 100,000 deaths look more attractive by comparison, even though that still-catastrophic option had been rejected earlier by a large share of participants.
The study shows that moral feelings reinforce the choice to go nuclear. A choice perceived as “protecting US troops” or “punishing an aggressor” can make using nuclear weapons seem virtuous, even without a comparison. The results also reveal how emotions and the menu of decision options shape judgments and, ultimately, decisions. Similar modes of thinking were observed at the end of World War II and other past wars. And the Pentagon’s ongoing review that seeks to offer the president “more options” to launch nuclear weapons in a crisis risks further lowering the nuclear threshold
Support for nuclear options observed in our experiments did not require information to be false. Participants received explicit casualty estimates. Their choices nevertheless exhibited psychic numbing in some scenarios that became deceptive in another way when comparisons created a “better nuclear bomb” mindset. This matters for AI: Improving the accuracy of AI-delivered information that reaches a decision maker cannot, by itself, ensure that the suffering represented by those facts receives appropriate weight. These experiments demonstrate how serious distortions in judgment and decision-making can occur even in presence of accurate information.
Now add the AI pressure. Warnings, images, reports, and interpretations can now arrive faster than people can digest them. This information may be false, ambiguous, or accurate. It has already been described how AI-enabled degradation of this information environment could increase nuclear risk.
Consider a hypothetical military exercise.
AI correctly detects mobile missile launchers moving. The official receiving that information, uncertain but worried, interprets the movement as possible preparation for attack and raises military readiness as a precaution.
The adversary observes those preparations and responds with precautions of its own. AI detects those movements, which appear to confirm the initial suspicion. Each side’s efforts to protect itself make the other feel less secure.
This is an escalation spiral—what international relations theorists call a security dilemma, but this time it unfolds in real time. No one needs to fabricate the original observation. Correct reporting can perpetuate a mistaken account of intentions. Deliberate deception can worsen the process, but an innocent observation that is misinterpreted is enough to create this escalation.
Distrust complicates correction. A leader may doubt a warning yet fear the consequences of ignoring it. An adversary’s reassurance may be dismissed as deception. A “better-safe-than-sorry” mindset can justify action without adequately considering the danger that the allegedly safe action can create.
Meanwhile, the AI-generated information consumes deliberation time. It takes time to filter out false information and to verify that the information is true. Even when correct, time pressure can increase anxiety and change the affective state of those processing that information. There is also stronger reliance on a shallow overall favorable or unfavorable feeling in judging risks and benefits under time pressure. Haste does not invariably increase perceived risk but, in a climate of distrust and suspicion, it likely will.
The hot-cold empathy gap adds another vulnerability.
When calm, people tend to underestimate how fear and anger will change their preferences. Applied to a nuclear crisis, this raises a troubling possibility: Restraint endorsed beforehand in a quiet situation may fall by the wayside during a crisis in which delay seems to risk intolerable loss.
A leader could then experience the escalating confrontation as an immediate and severe threat and view nuclear use as an escape or preemptive necessity. Unfortunately, under conditions of “hot” cognition driven by intense emotion, personal investment, concern for historical legacy, high stakes, or implicit biases, what the leader holds dear is most likely to be immediate security protections, not the larger fate of the nation and the world.
Immediate protection dominates attention; wider suffering remains abstract, and likely out of mind, despite its importance. A case in point: Vladimir Putin once justified Russia’s nuclear doctrine by questioning the value of a world in which Russia had been destroyed by nuclear weapons.
Requiring human authorization does not, by itself, correct these distortions. The relevant questions concern what evidence was checked, which interpretations were challenged, how deadlines were established, and whether anticipated benefits displaced consideration of subsequent greater harm.
Institutional guardrails. The vulnerabilities of human judgment are well documented, and concern about advanced AI is growing. But awareness alone won’t prevent an escalation spiral. A machine can flood decision makers with information—some true, some false—that they struggle to evaluate but feel compelled to act on. In a crisis, that pressure could make a nuclear strike seem necessary. It need never reach for the button.
The response starts with acknowledging a psychological reality: All humans, including leaders, have cognitive blind spots that distort their reasoning about catastrophic events. We must build institutional guardrails that protect leaders from their own worst impulses—and follow those guardrails even when pressure builds or they themselves wish to circumvent them. AI can help within that structure, but only as a subordinate tool, not a substitute for it.
Used this way, AI-enabled decision support can analyze targeting data far faster than human analysts—time that should go toward compliance with the laws of armed conflict, whose violation can itself hand the other side grounds to escalate. AI can assist analysts reading sensor feeds, too—but its interpretations may be wrong, and it must keep analysts aware of that. A fuel truck beside a missile could be reported by an AI as “fueling” or “preparing to launch.” The second, more definite claim risks anchoring everything assessed afterward to a false inference.
Guardrails that leaders actually follow under pressure, and AI that expands rather than narrows what humans consider, are candidates for something more general: continuing, significant reductions in the probability of nuclear war. Richard Garwin identified risk reduction as a mechanism to avoid guaranteed Armageddon in the long run—something worth pursuing whether or not abolition is the goal. Abolitionists and skeptics alike can start now.
AUKUS Inquiry exposes the great submarine deception

My own submission, ‘AUKUS is a boondoggle’, grappled with the problem of the afterlife of defence ministers. “Boondoggle” is an American word used to describe a government program that is expensive and wasteful yet continues to be funded because it is paid from the public purse, which fits AUKUS perfectly.
By John Jiggens | 5 October 2026, https://independentaustralia.net/politics/politics-display/aukus-inquiry-exposes-the-great-submarine-deception,21620
AUKUS critics warn the $500 billion submarine deal is sacrificing Australian sovereignty and social priorities to deeper integration with the U.S. war machine, writes Dr John Jiggens.
This article is the second part of a two-part story. Read part one HERE.
Members of the Queensland “peace not war” community, including myself, attended the Brisbane session of the AUKUS Public Inquiry on 25 August. Many academics, unionists and activists from other peace groups attended, too.
At the Brisbane session, only two of the five Commissioners were physically present: Peter Garrett and retired Admiral Chris Barrie, a former head of the Australian Defence Force. Two other Commissioners beamed in via the internet: Dr Carmen Lawrence, the first woman to become Premier of an Australian state and Karina Lester, a Yankunytjatjara woman whose people’s country had been poisoned by the UK Government in nuclear tests in the 1950s.
As lead Commissioner, Peter Garrett judicially ran the Public Inquiry, introducing the evidence-givers and reading the questions of the online Commissioners. His rockstar charisma enveloped him in a kind of awe, while his career as a powerful voice for change gave him enormous presence and credibility.
Sharing the bench with him was Chris Barrie. They seemed an odd couple: the peacenik and the former chief of Defence, but AUKUS had united them.
The Queenslanders who presented to the Public Inquiry at the Brisbane hearing included Marianne Hanson, an academic representing the International Campaign against Nuclear Weapons (ICAN); Margaret Pestorius from Wage Peace; Adrian Skerritt, a unionist, ALP member and housing activist; and Professor Warwick Powell from QUT, among others.
Pestorius argued that AUKUS wasn’t a Defence program: it was an economic program that aimed to enmesh Australia in the U.S. military-industrial complex to enable the flow of money to corporate warmongers who had an appalling record of destruction, genocide and ecocide.
Pestorius said former Defence Minister Christopher Pyne, now a military exports consultant and arms dealer, reshaped Australia’s involvement in the weapons industry. This pathway was prefigured by other defence ministers who joined the board of major weapon manufacturers, such as Kim Beazley, who joined Lockheed Martin, and Brendan Nelson, who became CEO of Boeing Australia.
At the end of Margaret Pestorius’s evidence, Admiral Barrie asked her about several Australians employed by U.S. think tanks to profit from AUKUS:
I wonder if you know about American Global Strategies.
It’s an organisation based in Washington, DC, and I wondered if you knew that Scott Morrison is the vice president of American Global Strategies, and he’s assisted by a former ambassador and Liberal Senator, Arthur Sinodinos, and a former head of the Office of National Intelligence, Nick Warner.
The Brisbane session
My own submission, ‘AUKUS is a boondoggle’, grappled with the problem of the afterlife of defence ministers. “Boondoggle” is an American word used to describe a government program that is expensive and wasteful yet continues to be funded because it is paid from the public purse, which fits AUKUS perfectly.
The Americans have another word, which explains why boondoggles go ahead, even though they are such incredibly expensive and wasteful uses of public money. That word is “grifter”.
In politics, the word “grifter” refers to people who use the political process to enrich themselves from the public purse and profit from the extraordinary waste of public money created by boondoggles, such as AUKUS.
Prime Minister turned grifter
When Morrison became Prime Minister in 2018, the Future Submarine Project was running well behind time, and American voices were whispering about ditching the French deal and accepting the worst deal ever.

In his 2022 book, Morrison’s Mission, journalist Paul Kelly reveals that Mike Pompeo, the U.S. Secretary of State, was the U.S. voice who collaborated with Morrison in planning AUKUS. Evangelical Christians, the two men spoke every week about Jesus while plotting AUKUS. As they drew closer, Morrison, a geostrategic lightweight, became Pompeo’s pupil, who was co-opted by Pompeo into the U.S. strategic architecture.
In his role as Chair of the Strategic Advisory Board at the Hudson Institute, Mike Pompeo invited Morrison to join the Strategic Advisory Board at the Hudson Institute in November 2022.
The major originator of the AUKUS strategy was Mike Pompeo, who hijacked Australia’s Future Submarine Project and rebuilt it as AUKUS. His strategy was to lock Australia into a global war allied with the U.S. and UK against China, not an Australian-based strategy to deter invasion.
Adrian Pisarski, a veteran housing advocate and former CEO of National Shelter, championed purchasing the cheaper conventional submarines instead of AUKUS nuclear submarines, and using the hundreds of billions saved for addressing Australia’s major housing crisis and other social policies.
Pisarski said:
We could do free dental and Medicare for that sort of money quite easily.
We could have cheaper university education. Commonwealth rent assistance is something else that we could also lift very easily and start to assist people.
I caught the train down from the Sunshine Coast this morning and on the way, I observed no fewer than six homeless camps along parklands etc. We’ve just had a council to the north of Brisbane set up a permanent camp for homeless people. We haven’t seen these conditions in Australia since the 1940s. We are in a genuine housing crisis.
The sort of money that we are talking about for AUKUS would solve our housing crisis.
Admiral Chris Barrie followed this up. He had spoken to colleagues who suggested that for $78 billion Australia could get 12 conventional submarines, not the eight nuclear submarines for circa $500 billion from AUKUS.
Carmen Lawrence asked Mr Skerritt:
“As a fellow ALP member, why do you think the Labor Government has embraced AUKUS rather than prioritising social needs that you have identified?”
Mr Skerritt replied:
I don’t know. I find it particularly unfathomable that when there was a change of government, and this being signed up to by a previous government, that there was no proper inquiry or government-led initiative to question whether this was in Australia’s best interests in the long term.
In my view, it’s not in our best interest and I would have really appreciated the Australian Government performing a proper inquiry that looked at those questions.
Another witness was Professor Warwick Powell, who argued that Australian foreign policy has long been trapped between two deep psychological anxieties: a fear of our own Asian geography and a persistent fear of being abandoned by a distant transatlantic protector.
For over a century, these twin fears have led us to seek security from Asia, rather than security in Asia.
Powell said:
AUKUS tells us that Australia is small, vulnerable, frightened and incapable of surviving in its own region without huddling beneath an overseas nuclear umbrella…
We do not need to choose between being a vassal state or shutting ourselves off from the world and building a fortress. We need the courage to be a sovereign middle power.
The Morrison-Pompeo AUKUS deal changed the Future Submarine Project from providing for the defence of Australia to providing a base for U.S. and UK nuclear submarines in Australia for forward attack operations by the U.S. military against China.
The claim that AUKUS is about the defence of Australia is a lie disguised by Orwellian misuse of language. The Government’s pretence is that U.S. and UK nuclear submarines won’t be based in Australia. Instead, they say that the U.S. and UK nuclear submarines will be “rotated” through Australia.
To assist this “rotation”, the Australian Government is building accommodation for 2,000 US. military personnel at the Stirling Naval Base in Western Australia. This base is only 20 kilometres south of Fremantle and it will be a nuclear target if the coming war with China eventuates.
The extraordinary cost of the project, its clear strategic misdirection from a defence of Australia policy to participating as a vassal in a U.S. war on our main trading partner, China, and the high probability we will never see these submarines were just a few of the many faults of this far-fetched and highly implausible deal discussed at the Brisbane Hearing of the Public Inquiry into AUKUS.
Europe’s Leaders Want War .. Anyone For War?

These European leaders are willing to risk the destruction of Europe in order to please donor class elites who’ve invested, literally, trillions of dollars in “Project Ukraine” since the early/mid 2010s.(4),(5),(5a)
04.10.26 – New York City – Mark Lesseraux, https://www.pressenza.com/2026/10/europes-leaders-want-war-anyone-for-war/
It’s remarkable that there are still a notable though dwindling amount of people who think that European (and Canadian) leaders like Ursula von der Leyen (EU President), Fred ‘BlackRock’ Merz (Germany’s leader), Andy Burnham (England’s PM), Emmanuel Macron (France’s PM) and Mark Carney (Canada’s PM) are somewhat level-headed, practical leaders despite the fact that their entire game plan for the next 5 to 10 years rests on Europe getting into a full-on war with Russia. This is the image of the future that these leaders are presenting to the young people of Europe: Perpetual war and austerity until victory. No plan B, just get ready to rumble.(1),(2),(3)
These leaders aren’t even hiding any of this. “Russia is coming, Russia is coming!”, they shout. Meanwhile Russia wants absolutely nothing to do with the rest of Europe, let alone to go to war with them. Bottom Line: These European leaders are willing to risk the destruction of Europe in order to please donor class elites who’ve invested, literally, trillions of dollars in “Project Ukraine” since the early/mid 2010s.(4),(5),(5a)
Perhaps because Trump is so nuts – it makes these leaders seem palatable by contrast? They’re not palatable though, they’re a su_cide squad with smiley faces.
Add to all this the fact that, currently, less than 2% of the people of Germany, England and France want a war with Russia. Not that what the public wants matters much to these leaders who claim, without a shred of irony, that they’re doing all of this to “save Western democracy”.(6)
If Europe wishes to survive as a first world continent, these leaders need to be ousted ASAP. As US Colonel Douglas McGregor, one of the world’s top military experts has said, “We’re in an era in which war is no longer functional. It’s obsolete, and as a cultural modus operandi it’s suicidal.”(7)
I’ve included links here to organizations (one of which I’m affiliated with) whose aim is to put an end to war: A-https://www.movimientohumanista.net/?secc=6 B-https://worldwithout.org/ C-https://everydaypeacebuilding.com/pacifist-organizations/
CITATIONS
1-https://www.tni.org/en/article/the-eu-is-on-a-war-path
2-https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=i08dnzn6H9o
3-https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IEA4DK-QN0E
5-https://www.cgaa.org/article/are-banks-financing-war-in-ukraine
5a-https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DtOf4_Tw8s4
6-https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2024/10/5/why-europes-leadership-wants
Environment Agency nuclear merger will digitise services

COMMENT . Despite Wind scale, despite Chernobyl, despite Fukushima, and all the evidence of nuclear workers cancer risks…..
They’re pretending that the nuclear industry is just like any other. That’s a lie.
The Environment Agency has merged its nuclear strategy and regulatory
functions into a single directorate as part of its response to the
Government’s Nuclear Regulatory Taskforce Review, in a move it says will
deliver faster, more predictable and more proportionate regulation of the
sector. Jo Nettleton, who will head the new directorate as director of
nuclear, said bringing the functions under one leadership structure creates
clear ownership for driving change, with clearer accountability, faster
decision-making and better escalation of nationally significant issues. Her
focus, she said, is on improving the pace, predictability and
proportionality of regulation while protecting the environment and
supporting public confidence. Writing on the agency’s blog, Nettleton said
the Government’s response to the review recognised the need for regulationto evolve alongside a rapidly changing sector. The agency set out its own
response in a letter from chief executive Philip Duffy to the Chancellor.
UK Authority 5th Oct 2026,
https://www.ukauthority.com/articles/environment-agency-nuclear-merger-will-digitise-services
UK’s Green Party abandons opposition to nuclear power

A major shift in policy
Chris Jarvis , 3 Oct 26, https://leftfootforward.org/2026/10/green-party-abandons-opposition-to-nuclear-power/
The Green Party has voted through a new policy on electricity generation which abandons the its blanket opposition to nuclear power.
Party members voted for a motion at the party’s conference which amended the party’s policy so as to describe nuclear fission as a form of ‘low-carbon electricity generation’. It also removed nuclear power from the list of electricity generation sources that the Green Party would seek to ‘phase out’. Instead, the party says it now only seeks to phase out fossil fuels.
The Green Party has long opposed nuclear power, instead favouring an approach to decarbonisation which relies on a rapid and overwhelming shift to renewable energy.
The party’s previous policy stated “Other industries can never be sustainable and must be phased out, for example, the nuclear industry.”
That wording has been changed, so it now refers to fossil fuels instead of nuclear.
Poland updates nuclear strategy with delays to launch of first two plants

The European Commission last year approved Polish state aid for the project, which is set to receive 60.2 billion zloty (€13.8 billion) in public support between 2025 and 2030
Notes From Poland, Oct 3, 2026
The government has updated Poland’s nuclear strategy for the first time in six years, with the new document acknowledging that the country’s first-ever nuclear plant will go online in 2036, three years later than previously planned, and the second in 2040, one year behind schedule.
The delays were widely anticipated, as Poland is already behind the schedule set out in the previous nuclear programme, adopted under the former Law and Justice (PiS) government in 2020.
However, the current administration says the country is still on track for nuclear to become a major part of a more diversified energy mix, providing around 15-16% of electricity generation by 2040.
“This is not just a plan to develop new capacity, but also to build a strong Polish nuclear industry,” energy minister Miłosz Motyka wrote on social media. “We are building a nuclear sector that will drive the Polish economy and serve our security for decades to come.”
Under the updated Polish Nuclear Power Programme (PPEJ), Poland plans to develop two nuclear power plants with a combined capacity of around 6 GW to 9 GW, using large-scale Generation III+ reactors.
The first plant, which will have a total capacity of about 3.75 GW, is being built in partnership with an American consortium made up of Westinghouse and Bechtel in the municipality of Choczewo on the Baltic coast. Preparatory work at the site is already underway.
The European Commission last year approved Polish state aid for the project, which is set to receive 60.2 billion zloty (€13.8 billion) in public support between 2025 and 2030
In March 2026, the investor submitted an application to the president of the National Atomic Energy Agency for a permit to construct the plant, with the pouring of the first nuclear concrete scheduled for 2028. The first reactor is now expected to enter commercial operation in 2036, three years later than previously planned.
Plans are already underway for a second nuclear power plant, with construction scheduled to begin in 2032 and the first unit expected to come online around 2040, one year later than previously planned.
Bełchatów and Konin in central Poland remain the preferred locations for that plant, with both areas offering existing energy infrastructure and extensive experience in electricity generation.
Companies from the United States, France and Canada are currently competing to supply the technology and build it, with Poland to choose its partner next year.
Alongside expanding nuclear capacity, the programme aims to increase the role of Polish companies in the sector. Domestic firms are expected to account for about 40% of the value of the first reactor project, according to the government.
That share could rise to as much as 70% for subsequent units as Polish companies build up expertise, experience and the necessary certifications.
The government also plans to develop the broader skills base needed to support the nuclear industry, involving universities, research institutes, technical schools and businesses…………………….
As well as traditional large-scale nuclear power plants, Poland is also pursuing small modular reactor (SMR) projects.
SMRs, which are prefabricated in factories before being installed onsite, are much smaller than traditional reactors, and proponents say they provide a faster and more cost-effective way of adding nuclear capacity. https://notesfrompoland.com/2026/10/03/poland-updates-nuclear-strategy-with-delays-to-launch-of-first-two-plants/
US, China And Russia Race To Build Nuclear Reactors On The Moon: Report
New Delhi:

The United States, China and Russia are racing to develop nuclear reactors for the Moon as they prepare for future space exploration. The countries believe nuclear power will be important for building permanent lunar bases, exploring resources and supporting missions deeper into space
The US aims to launch a lunar nuclear reactor by 2030, while Russia and China are working towards a joint project by 2036. The plans could power future Moon bases but have also raised safety concerns.
NDTV, Edited by: Siddhi Singh, Oct 04, 2026
New Delhi:
The United States, China and Russia are racing to develop nuclear reactors for the Moon as they prepare for future space exploration. The countries believe nuclear power will be important for building permanent lunar bases, exploring resources and supporting missions deeper into space.
According to The New York Times, NASA in August asked contractors to prepare a nuclear reactor that can survive a space journey and operate without maintenance near the Moon’s south pole. The agency aims to have the reactor ready for launch by December 2030.
Russia, meanwhile, plans to develop a lunar reactor called Selena by 2036 as part of its secretive partnership with China. The project is intended to provide power to lunar stations led by China…………………………………………………….
Safety Concerns Over Nuclear Power In Space
Despite the plans, scientists have warned that rushing to build lunar reactors could create serious risks. Rocket launch failures could cause accidents involving nuclear reactors and potentially spread radioactive material. Experts have also pointed out that installing and maintaining a reactor on the Moon would be challenging.
Unlike reactors on Earth, lunar reactors would be difficult to protect with containment structures, and experts say areas around them may need to be restricted to reduce radiation risks to astronauts and equipment.
As per The New York Times report, both the US and Russia plan to send their reactors to the Moon in an inactive state, reducing some risks during transport. However, experts say accidents cannot be ruled out, even with safety reviews.
Who Owns The Moon?
The race has also raised questions about access to the Moon and its resources. The 1967 Outer Space Treaty states that no country can claim the Moon as its territory. However, questions remain over whether countries can restrict access to areas around their lunar bases and whether they can own the resources they extract from the Moon.
NASA accelerated its plans amid fears that a nuclear reactor built by China and Russia could establish a restricted zone on the Moon, limiting where American astronauts and rovers could travel. Space law experts have questioned whether such zones, even if created for safety reasons, would conflict with the principle of free access to space under the Outer Space Treaty.
The US, China and Russia have yet to prove that their proposed reactors can be installed and operated on the Moon. Their timelines could also change as technical and safety challenges are addressed. https://www.ndtv.com/world-news/us-china-and-russia-race-to-build-nuclear-reactors-on-the-moon-report-12137354
Tories vow to change law to override SNP on new nuclear power

Shadow energy secretary Andrew Bowie will announce today that a Tory Government would bring in a law to ensure “no part of Great Britain misses out on plans for new nuclear renewal.” The Conservatives will pledge to override Holyrood and lift the SNP’s ban on new nuclear if they win the next
general election.
Shadow energy secretary Andrew Bowie will announce at the
party’s conference today that a Tory Government would bring in a law to
ensure “no part of Great Britain misses out on plans for new nuclear
renewal.”
The Labour UK Government currently wants to host small modular
nuclear reactors in Scotland. But the SNP Scottish Government, which holds
powers over planning, has blocked it due to its opposition to nuclear. Mr
Bowie said: “The SNP’s effective ban on new nuclear energy in Scotland
flies in the face of common-sense. “The SNP’s luddite approach is costing
jobs in Scotland, harming our energy security and ending Scotland’s rich
and powerful association with the nuclear industry. “If John Swinney and
SNP ministers want to have a fight over any plans that would deliver
thousands of jobs and protect energy security, then I say bring it on.”
Scotsman 5th Oct 2026, https://www.scotsman.com/news/politics/tories-vow-to-change-law-to-override-snp-on-new-nuclear-power-9264927
Hegseth calls US-built nuclear submarines the ‘apex predator’ of the seas. But are they right for Australia?




Ben Doherty.4 Oct 26, https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2026/oct/04/hegseth-apex-predator-nuclear-submarines-right-for-australia-aukus-ntwnfb
Some experts argue Virginia-class submarines government is buying second hand are good for fighting American wars, but not for defending Australia
On stage for his “arsenal of freedom tour”, the US secretary of defense – who prefers the appellation “secretary of war” – was ebullient.
“This Virginia-class submarine is a paragon of American engineering and fighting spirit,” Pete Hegseth roared, standing at Newport News shipyards where those boats are being built.
“It is the apex predator of the undersea domain, the most advanced and lethal submarine ever built.”
There are few who would argue with the Virginia’s lethality. Australia is set to buy three of these boats, secondhand, from the US navy, beginning in 2032.
But is it the right submarine for Australia?
Hegesth’s words, for all of their rhetorical bellicosity, were revealing: “American … fighting spirit”; “apex predator”; “ensuring America is free and safe and powerful”.
Virginia-class submarines – nuclear-powered and conventionally armed – are very good at travelling undetected fast and staying underwater for a very long time (limited, essentially, only by the capacity of the crew to stay submerged).
They are an attack submarine, an outstanding offensive platform for hunting and destroying a far-distant adversary, able to traverse thousands of miles of deep ocean undetected.
But Australia’s National Defence Strategy, released this year, says the nation’s “strategy of denial” – which aims to deter conflict before it begins – was “focused on safeguarding Australia’s interests in our primary area of military interest”. This includes the immediate region encompassing the north-east Indian Ocean through maritime south-east Asia into the Pacific as well as Australia, its populated offshore territories and its northern approaches.
A growing chorus of naval experts is arguing that the Virginia-class submarines are the wrong boats for this country.
The waters to the north of the Australian continent – from where any potential threat is overwhelmingly likely to approach – are shallow, best suited to a submarine far smaller than Virginia’s nearly 8,000 tonnes of displacement, some say.
A smaller, more nimble submarine, quieter when operating under battery, is a better platform for that role, they say. In addition, smaller submarines are cheaper and easier to crew: Australia could afford more of them, increasing the potency of its force.
The argument runs thus: the Virginias, and the even larger Aukus-class submarines set to follow, are nuclear-powered submarines perfectly suited to fighting a distant war on behalf of the US. But they are the wrong boats to defend Australia.
Defence or ‘projecting power’?
Dr Andrew Gaczol spent a decade as an international political analyst and policy officer at the Australian Department of Defence. He told an independent inquiry into Aukus coordinated by the Australian Peace and Security Forum that the Australian public had been provided only two arguments in support of the Aukus deal, “and neither stand up to serious scrutiny”.
The primary argument put forward is that of defence of Australia.
Gaczol told the inquiry it was unnecessary to have submarines with unlimited range to defend the nation’s waters or conduct defensive operations in the region.
“The latest state-of-the-art Air Independent Propulsion (AIP) conventional diesel-electric submarines are more suitable as they are smaller, quieter when submerged and better suited to the relatively shallow waters of the Australian continental shelf and the waters to Australia’s north,” he said.
The second argument propounded for Aukus is the need for Australia – as a nation reliant on trade – to maintain open sea lanes around it.
Given the small number of attack submarines the Aukus deal will ultimately provide, critics argue they will not be able to protect Australia’s seaborne approaches.
Navies around the world operate on “the rule of threes”, which states that for every three of a complex platform you possess, only one can be relied upon to be operational at any given time. Essentially, of three submarines, one is on active deployment, one is training or conducting exercises, and one is in maintenance, dry dock or recovering from operations.
Australia plans to buy three Virginia-class submarines from the US, to be supplemented – when they are designed and built – by up to five submarines of the Aukus class. By the end of the 2040s, eight submarines would give Australia, at any time, a fleet of two, perhaps three submarines on active deployment.
“I can’t see how such a small number of vessels will be able to keep open all of Australia’s trade routes all of the time,” Gaczol told the inquiry.
“As a counterpoint, I note that the US navy has over 60 nuclear submarines and are currently unable to force open the strait of Hormuz.”
Gaczol says he supports Australia having submarines, but that the Virginia and Aukus-class boats were not ideal for Australia’s defence. The benefit of Australia’s geography – a vast landmass protected by thousands of kilometres of ocean – mean “the chances of Australia being actually sort of invaded are virtually nil”.
The oceans to Australia’s north are also relatively shallow – under 200 metres deep across parts of the Indonesian archipelago and South China Sea – meaning large nuclear submarines “are more easily detected” than smaller and quieter conventional boats.
As deep-water boats that can travel anywhere around the globe at high speed, nuclear submarines are unnecessary for defending Australia, Gaczol says, and are instead about “projecting power into another part of the world”.
“To put it colloquially, that’s not protecting our patch. That’s going into someone else’s patch and poking them in the eye,” he says.
Gaczol believes the acquisition of Virginia-class submarines suits US imperatives, not Australia’s.
“The only scenario I can really see these boats being applicable for is to chase Chinese submarines in the South China Sea should it come to a conflict there. Effectively, our force will be an adjunct of the US Navy.”
‘Best deal on offer’
Former South Australian senator Rex Patrick, an ex-submariner and resolute Aukus critic, is familiar with the aphorism “quantity is a quality of its own”.
He says while there was undoubted advantage to buying large attack submarines – greater payloads, more torpedoes, more capability to transport special forces soldiers – “there’s always a trade-off”.
“If the cost of buying one large nuclear submarine is that you could buy four other submarines for the same price, that’s a trade-off you have to consider.”
Aukus is forecast to cost up to $368bn by the 2050s – $33m a day for 30 years on a conservative estimate. Few, if any, major defence projects of this complexity run on time, or on budget.
And Aukus is dependent not only on Australia’s efforts to build a nuclear-powered submarine fleet from scratch: it is reliant on the US – beset by tenaciously laggard boat-building – to construct enough Virginia-class boats to spare three for Australia; and it needs the UK’s sole submarine-building yard to design and build the first of the new Aukus-class boats on which Australia’s domestically built boat will be constructed.
For far less than the slated cost of the Aukus deal, Australia could buy 20 conventionally powered air independent propulsion submarines, Patrick says.
“If you had 20 submarines, you’d have seven boats in the water, in seven different locations, and seven times the magnitude of problem for the other commander,” he says.
Patrick notes Canada, with the longest coastline in the world and facing many of the same geopolitical challenges as Australia, recently announced it would buy 12 air independent propulsion submarines from German shipbuilder TKMS for a reported $33bn.
The Australian government, though, insists Aukus is “the best deal on offer”.
In June, the defence minister, Richard Marles, told the Shangri-La dialogue Australia had made the deliberate choice to increase the weight of its naval spending: more than 40% of Australia’s defence budget is now directed towards the country’s maritime domain.
“For a three-ocean nation, this is a strategic necessity,” Marles said. “Ninety-eight percent of Australia’s traded goods passes through Australian ports. Ninety percent of our fuel is imported. Our economic sovereignty, in the most basic sense, is a maritime proposition.”
And Marles argued an increasingly militarised region demanded a collective response.
“The free and open passage of goods, energy and data across the seas is not just Australia’s economic lifeblood – it is the economic lifeblood of this entire region.”
In a Lowy essay, former special envoy for defence Luke Gosling wrote that nuclear submarines will give the Australian defence force “a regionally superior capability that will help it to deter war and, if it must fight a war, to win”.
“Threatening to aggressors, lethal if provoked, but not overtly provocative, nuclear submarines are the ‘goldilocks’ long-distance capability.”
Amid a rising drumbeat of concern over Aukus, Labor senator Raff Ciccone rose in the Senate in June to argue Australia’s strategic environment had changed dramatically and the country “must respond to the world as it is”.
“Nuclear-powered submarines are the only platforms that can provide Australia with the ability to deter threats to our maritime supply chains, on which our way of life depend,” he said.
“They alone have the speed, the endurance and the stealth necessary to effectively provide this deterrence. They are the bolt cutters that will ensure that we are never wrapped in chains.”
The Final Frontier Goes to War: The Militarisation of Space

Aleena Im , September 30, 2026, https://journal-neo.su/2026/09/30/the-final-frontier-goes-to-war-the-militarisation-of-space/
Space is becoming an increasingly contested domain as major powers expand military capabilities, satellite infrastructure, and counterspace systems, while the U.S. Golden Dome initiative reshapes strategic stability and raises new questions about the future of space governance.
On 14th September 2026, US Secretary of the Air Force Troy Meink confirmed that the US has “on-orbit” weapons capable of safeguarding the US against hostile actions. It is most likely a part of the implementation of the 2025 US National Security Strategy (NSS), which says,
“the United States must at the same time invest in research to preserve and advance our advantage in cutting-edge military and dual-use technology, with emphasis on the domains where U.S. advantages are strongest. These include undersea, space, and nuclear, as well as others that will decide the future of military power, such as AI, quantum computing, and autonomous systems, plus the energy necessary to fuel these domains.”
In December 2025, the White House issued an executive order on “Ensuring American Space Superiority” to ensure U.S. space superiority, security, lunar development, and the ability to detect, characterise and counter threats to U.S. space interests – especially threats from Very Low Earth Orbit (VLEO).
In recent years, outer space has undergone a remarkable transformation from being a domain of scientific discoveries to an arena of geopolitical competition. According to NATO, space is important for both the military and civilians. In 2019, NATO officially recognised space as an operational domain and adopted an Overarching Space Policy. NATO has taken various initiatives under this policy, such as the NATO Space Operations Centre (NSpOC), NATO Commercial Space Strategy, and SPACENET.
NATO has declared that space is critical to deterrence and defence. Major powers are very keen on the development of space technologies in defence and deterrence. The US established the United States Space Force in 2019 to protect the US and its allies’ interests in space and ensure their freedom to conduct operations there. However, when Russia in 2021 tested an anti-satellite (ASAT) missile, which destroyed its old Cosmos 1408 satellite, the US and allies criticised this test by saying it was ‘reckless’, as the debris could remain in space for years. This is extremely hypocritical of the US considering their own activities and aims for space – but shows how in the near future, strategic competition will not be bound only to the Earth, but it will extend to space, and space will also be exploited.
Golden Dome: Missile Defence or a New Strategic Equation

Golden Dome is a multi-layered defence shield project for safeguarding America from aerial threats. According to the National Defence Magazine, the project will be completed by the mid-2028. It includes space-based interceptors designed to detect and destroy missiles during flight. As per the CSIS report, space-based interceptors would effectively constitute a form of space-control weapon. If interceptors are placed in orbit, space itself becomes part of the missile-defence battlefield, potentially changing the balance between offensive missiles and defensive systems. China and Russia have therefore argued that the system could affect strategic stability, while the United States presents it primarily as a means of protecting the homeland from increasingly advanced missile threats.
Importance of Space in the Military
“Space has become the ultimate high ground for warfare” — (Elon Musk)
Military satellites are often known as “silent sentinels” used for defence and security purposes. Below are the types of military satellites with their specifications:
GPS & Navigation
Navigation satellites provide positioning, navigation, and timing (PNT) signals for precise targeting. In this regard, the US has the Navstar GPS constellation operated by USSF, Russia have GLONASS, China have Beidou, and the EU have Galileo. The powerful Joint Direct Attack Munitions (JDAM) are GPS-aided precision-guided weapons that use satellite-provided positioning data for accurate hits.
Communication Satellites
Communication satellites prove beneficial for command and control, especially in remote areas. They support unmanned drones, which depend on satellite links for remote operation. The US have Advanced Extremely High Frequency (AEHF) and Wideband Global SATCOM (WGS) systems, which provide encrypted links that connect commanders with other troops.
Reconnaissance Satellites
Reconnaissance satellites are also known as spy satellites because they can gather high-resolution images of the battlefield. For example, SAR can see through clouds and even in darkness using infrared sensing. The US has the KH-11 series, and China has the Yaogan constellation, which has a Synthetic Aperture Radar (SAR) sensor.
Signals Intelligence Satellites
SIGINT and ELINT satellites intercept electronic emissions, which include radar signals and military communications across vast areas. Orion and Trumpet series are allegedly US SIGINT and ELINT satellites, respectively, while Russia have Liana systems, which are SIGINT satellites but can carry functions similar to an ELINT satellite.
To date, the US have not elaborated on the weapon types, their capabilities, and when they were put into orbit.
Key Players in Space Militarisation
United States
The US has been the architect of space infrastructure. In 2019, the US created USSF, which formalised space as a military domain. The US have several military satellites which help in defence and deterrence. It’s spending on counterspace defence and attack capabilities is to deter competitors as well as maintain freedom of action in space.
China
China has the Beidou navigation system, through which China has conducted satellite tests and developed ASAT systems. China is developing both soft and hard kill technologies to counter the US on each level. For this, it has developed TPG1000C, a 5-ton high-power microwave system which is capable of disrupting satellite electronics.
Russia
Russia in 2019 tested an ASAT, officially declaring its interests in outer space. Russia is not focusing as much on its space capabilities as the US and China, but the country is working towards cost-efficient counterspace capabilities instead of massive satellite constellations.
India, UAE, and Israel
India, the UAE, and Israel are also enhancing their outer space capabilities. India has conducted an anti-satellite test known as Mission Shakti, and the UAE’s Mars mission, despite being a civilian scientific program, opened up the possibilities for much more.
Future Trajectories
Space is evolving into a multipolar strategic arena. There are some frameworks like the Outer Space Treaty which emphasise peaceful use of space, but still, major powers’ competition is pushing space towards militarisation. The growing influence of private companies such as SpaceX and Blue Origin is also a defining feature of space militarisation. International law lacks clear rules regarding space warfare. Rather than a hub of scientific discoveries, in the near future, space could become increasingly contested and militarised. Now, states are shifting from protecting satellites to installing large constellations for deterrence.
To reduce the risk of miscalculations and space exploitation, the US and China are working on Constructive Strategic Stability, which allows both states to compete within a framework which will define limits of escalation. The Xi-Trump meeting on September 24, 2026 produced several areas of agreement, including continued economic dialogue and new mechanisms for cooperation on artificial intelligence and crisis communication. However, space security was not among the publicly announced outcomes, leaving it as an area where further strategic dialogue may be needed as competition in orbit intensifies.
Conclusion
Space is the next critical frontier which will shape world order and global security. Space is no longer reserved for space exploration; now, major powers are competing in outer space. Cooperative measures such as confidence-building measures (CBMs) and debris mitigation agreements can reduce the risk of escalation and space exploitation, but uncertainty and mistrust among major powers persist.
Aleena Im is an independent researcher and writer and is interested in international relations and current affairs
Trident’s £3m jobs are a costly defence of Britain’s fading status

3rd October, By Samuel Rafanell-Williams, Scottish CND
ALICE laughed. “There’s no use trying,” she said. “One can’t believe impossible things.” “I daresay you haven’t had much practice,” said the Prime Minister. “When I was your age, I always did it for half-an-hour a day. Why, sometimes I’ve believed as many as six impossible things before breakfast.”
In order to complete our new Dreadnought submarine programme, 65,000 jobs will be required by 2030. This number has been quoted by the Prime Minister in Parliament, so it must be
true. The current cost of the Dreadnought programme is newly estimated at £240 billion by UK CND.
Scottish CND’s estimate in our Reclaim Our Clyde
campaign two years ago was £200bn. So if we divide our more conservative
£200bn by 65,000 jobs, we get just over £3,000,000 per job. Let me spell
out that astonishing sum again: £3 million per job.
CND has some good ideas
on what we might use that money for, such as: 220,000 extra nurses; 3.7m
affordable homes; Tuition fees for 8m students; Install solar panels on
every home. My pick would be ending world hunger. How many enemies would we
have then?
There is little doubt that the world is becoming more dangerous.
A well-used anecdote over the past century is that “generals are always
fighting the last war”. While this may be true of Donald Trump’s illegal
assault on Iran, the Ukraine war is surely quite the opposite.
Ukraine is
changing warfare techniques every few weeks. They are fighting the next
war. The drone technologies they invent are cutting edge for a couple of
months, then become obsolete. The state-of-the art Chieftain Mk 3 tanks we
sent them are unused and irrelevant. Russia’s expensive nuclear bombers
were seriously exposed in the “Operation Spiderweb” drone attack by
Ukraine in June 2025. Who is to say the UK’s own nuclear facilities are not
equally vulnerable? Russia, America and China are major powers. We are not.
The only one of six Astute-class nuclear submarines that is currently
seaworthy is the one launched last month on its sea trials. The rest,
almost new, are docked and awaiting repairs. The former prime minister Tony
Blair notes in his memoirs that deciding to renew the Anglo-American
Trident submarine fleet at Faslane had nothing to do with defence, but was
to consolidate our position as a major power.
This was evidenced this week
by Chancellor John Healey (formerly head of the Ministry of Defence)
announcing that £6bn would be spent on building three floating docks at
Faslane, in order to accommodate more nuclear submarines. This is only part
of the £15bn set aside for further developments at Faslane as part of
Project Royal Oak.
For context, £6bn is five times what the Scottish
Government spends annually on housing. To put it another way, a chronic
housing crisis in Scotland and beyond, among other social harms that could
be remedied with the more than £200bn spent on Trident renewal, is simply a
price the British government is willing to pay to sustain its ability to
destroy the northern hemisphere.
The National 3rd Oct 2026,
https://www.thenational.scot/politics/26604113.tridents-3m-jobs-costly-defence-britains-fading-status/
The first 200 Submissions to the AUKUS Public Inquiry

5 October 2026, https://theaimn.net/the-first-200-submissions-to-the-aukus-public-inquiry/
With a hasty executive action by the Scott Morrison’s government, Australia signed up to buy $368 billions’ worth of second-hand nuclear submarines, and created a special military alliance with USA and UK -“AUKUS”. The then Opposition Party, Labor, led by Anthony Albanese, quickly fell into line. Now the Albanese Labor Government has stuck with this arrangement, and is keenly pursuing it.
Civil society groups, led by The Australian Peace and Security Forum, and funded by voluntary contributions – crowd funding – set up the AUKUS Public Inquiry, with hearings across Australia, to examine the costs of AUKUS, and other factors – transparency, safety and environment, and strategic impact. The Inquiry will release its report in early November 2026. They also called for submissions from the public, and have now received 1020 submissions, all published on their website, if you scroll right down.
Well, I am carefully reading each submission. I’ve now read from Submission 1 to Submission 200 and will now attempt to summarise the general themes of these. Though this is barely one fifth of the 1020 submissions received, I still think it’s an indication of how it’s all going, and I will continue going through the whole lot.
First of all, a pleasant surprise – the submissions were highly individual. As a seasoned submission reader, I was expecting to see a number of identical submissions, all derived from one sample plan. Not so. Although many people did have similar ideas, they were expressed individually, and often sounded personal, and some even passionate.
Secondly, they were in the main remarkably sceptical, and mostly opposed to the whole AUKUS project. Out of 200 submissions, only 6 were in favour of AUKUS. This is extraordinary, but is probably explained by the fact that this Inquiry was instigated by civil society groups, not by government or business organisations. Therefore, I think that the government and nuclear-industry – connected groups, and corporate media thought it best to ignore the Inquiry, and hope and trust that it would just disappear.
Those first 200 opinions on the AUKUS project came in two broad areas – those who focussed on the actual nuclear submarines – were they a good idea? and those who looked at the broader meaning of the AUKUS alliance between Australia, the USA and the UK. Of course, most submissions mentioned some of both aspects, as well.
In focussing on the nuclear submarines, writers considered their costs, their suitability for Australia’s defence, the lack of public and parliamentary scrutiny, the speed and secrecy of decision-making, safety, strategic implications, and management of toxic wastes.
The writers who paid attention more broadly, to the whole AUKUS alliance, considered the broader financial costs, issues of Australia’s sovereignty, democracy and the processes involved, secrecy, need for transparency, regional security and strategy, militarism, accountability, the involvement of the nuclear industry, and indigenous attitudes.
Those few who did support AUKUS (Submissions number 57, 169, 176 and 188,) stated the pro nuclear case, but did not seem to come from nuclear industry experts. They might have been from the industry, but there was none of the high-powered technical detail that I have come to expect from the nuclear lobby. This leads me to think that these were genuine personal opinions, and that the nuclear lobby has indeed boycotted this inquiry.
There were also a very few pro nuclear views, such as number 59 – POLICY WATCHDOG AUSTRALIA which offered some criticisms and recommendations. And a few who wanted a more formal, government-run investigation.
So, returning to the bulk of these submissions, most of them very thoughtful and well-argued, I’m just going to set out briefly the main concerns.
Far and away the main consideration was the cost – the financial price for the submarines, for supporting the U.S.A’s ship-building, and all the infrastructure needed in Australia
The second most important consideration was the nuclear submarines themselves, and strong arguments were put that these will not be fit for purpose, will be obsolete, and other craft would be more appropriate for Australia’s defence.
Really, almost equally important was the issue of Australia’s sovereignty. Many argued against too close an alignment with the USA.
Then came issues of the processes involved in Government decisions on AUKUS, reflections that it was undemocratic, lacking Parliamentary oversight, lacking transparency, lacking accountability. There were also strong concerns about militarism, about China not being our enemy, about better plans for regional security.
Of course, there are over 800 submissions more to go through. As I persist, I am publishing some of the most interesting ones on antinuclear.net. And looking forward to the final report of the AUKUS Public Inquiry. I don’t think that the corporate media will be so easily able to ignore that.
Ukraine’s former defense minister launches ‘Manhattan Project’ for killer robots

By Katie Livingstone, Sep 30, 2026, https://www.defensenews.com/unmanned/2026/09/30/ukraines-former-defense-minister-launches-manhattan-project-for-killer-robots/?utm_source=defensenews.beehiiv.com&utm_medium=newsletter&utm_campaign=market-intel-us-navy-awards-rtx-s-raytheon-24-4b-for-sm-6-missiles-amid-stockpile-concerns
LVIV, Ukraine — Ukraine needs a “new Manhattan Project,” former Defense Minister Mykhailo Fedorov told a standing-room-only crowd of self-proclaimed tech nerds on Saturday at IT Arena here, the country’s biggest annual technology conference.
Then he played an AI-generated clip of what he meant: a robopunk mix of humanoid and crab-like ground robots skittering across a barren front line, doing work that is still too complicated for the robots Ukraine fields today.
The video laid out Fedorov’s vision for an Army of Robots, a force of two-legged upright and other ground robots that would take over many of the front line’s most dangerous but necessary jobs from soldiers.
“Our idea is to combine engineers, startups and capital into one ecosystem so we can launch humanoid-like robots on the battlefield,” Fedorov told Defense News in an exclusive interview after his presentation.
“We want to eventually substitute our infantry with these robots.”
To get there, Fedorov is calling on specialists in robotics, AI, sensors and autonomous systems to pool their talent in the kind of concentrated wartime push that built the first atomic bomb, and to focus it on the machines he says will one day replace Ukraine’s infantry.
The 35-year-old aims for the group to have its first confirmed battlefield result from a humanoid-like robot within six months and, within a year, an assault in which robots take on the most dangerous parts of a mission with no infantry alongside them.
To hit the six-month mark, there isn’t time to spend on research and development, he said, so he will begin by investing in companies with weapons that have already been tested and shown some market viability.
Fedorov wants Ukraine to seize the initiative in the war’s next technological cycle before Russia – whose far larger army and industrial base let it scale new weapons quickly – gets there first.
“Russia always thinks about new strategies, how to hack our frontlines,” he said. “We need to be the first side to hack our frontlines.”
Robots are only one of the defense tech areas that the former minister plans to develop within the new project.
“It could be robots, it could be autonomous systems,” he said. “We will have three key directions: sensors and robots, cheaper anti-jet-Shahed missiles, and AI strike drones and missiles.”
Under Fedorov’s plan, members of the Army of Robots will identify a battlefield problem, find a technical solution and a team, provide resources for development, test the product with troops in real conditions and scale what works.
It is the same model he used for the Army of Drones, which he started in 2022 as Ukraine’s digital transformation minister and which opened the market to Ukrainian drone makers, launched government procurement and operator training and helped form the first strike drone units.
“The Army of Drones … changed everything in our country and in the world and, I think, in the future of the world,” he said. “Now we are trying to build the same ecosystem for robots.”
Ukrainian troops already lean heavily on ground robots for assaults and basic tasks, carrying out more than 25,000 logistics and evacuation missions in August – 3.3 times more than in January, according to the Defense Ministry.
But most of the futuristic robot designs featured in Fedorov’s video, humanoids included, are not yet used in combat in Ukraine today, and the ground robots that are in use almost always have a human operator at the controls, usually over Starlink.
Fedorov said the ambitious effort will involve multiple companies working on different stages of the product lifecycle, with some making components, some assembling complete robots and others developing software to run them.
“We have some funds for these first companies,” Fedorov said, declining to name names. “It means that we have two or three companies that will be our partners in these directions.”
The Army of Robots will include a venture fund to invest in technology teams, its own defense-tech companies and a research and development arm, according to a press statement issued after the announcement.
The initiative comes weeks after Fedorov announced that he was starting a new defense company, with Palantir CEO Alex Karp as its first investor.
Fedorov told Defense News the company will start with a corporate fund and may later launch its own venture fund.
The biggest challenge facing the development and deployment of these next-gen robots is the necessary speed of innovation, Fedorov said.
Ukraine has to field these robots fast enough to save its infantry and stay ahead of Russia, which he said has learned to copy Ukraine’s battlefield innovations and scale them rapidly.
Ukraine, meanwhile, is heading into another winter of Russian strikes with air-defense interceptors in short supply.
The weekend Fedorov made his announcement, Russian drones hit kindergartens and university buildings in Kyiv, struck a large civilian hospital and destroyed a food market and multiple gas stations outside the city, killing at least three people and injuring dozens in a combined aerial attack that lasted days.
“We don’t have enough time,” he said. “We need to achieve these results as soon as possible.”
All US bombers leave UK air base on concerns of suspected terror plots.
by Azhar Sukri, msn, 3 Oct 26
- The U.S. withdrew all of its B-1 bombers stationed at a UK air base that is used by American military forces to strike Iran after an investigation discovered a planned terror attack.
- At least two vessels were struck over the weekend in waters near Oman and Iran, the United Kingdom Maritime Trade Operations Centre reported……. https://www.msn.com/en-us/news/other/all-us-bombers-leave-uk-air-base-on-concerns-of-suspected-terror-plots-more-tankers-struck-near-iran-in-the-middle-east/ar-AA2dxKHO?ocid=winp2fp&cvid=30ffaa23962d4c0b91b3c9f431abde46&ei=6
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